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Kodaniku mõisted - mis on kodanikuõpetus - ajalugu

Kodaniku mõisted - mis on kodanikuõpetus - ajalugu


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Honda Civic

The Honda Civic (Jaapani keeles: ホ ン ダ ・ シ ビ ッ ク, Honda Shibikku) on Honda toodetud autode rida. Algselt alamkompakt, Civic on läbinud mitmeid põlvkondade vahetusi, muutudes nii suuremaks kui ka kallimaks, kolides kompaktsete autode segmenti. Sõidukite suurusklassi EPA juhised näevad ette, et autot, mille reisija- ja kaubaruum on kokku 110–119,9 kuupjalga (3110–3400 l), peetakse keskmise suurusega autoks ja sellisena on kümnenda põlvkonna Civic sedaan tehniliselt väikese otsaga -suurune auto, kuigi konkureerib endiselt kompaktklassis. [2] Civic kupeed peetakse endiselt kompaktseks autoks. Civic jääb praegu Honda City ja Honda Accordi vahele.

Esimese põlvkonna Civic esitati 1972. aasta juulis kaheukselise mudelina [3], millele järgnes septembris kolmeukseline luukpära. 1169 cm3 ristmootori ja esiveolise mootoriga, nagu Briti Mini, pakkus auto hoolimata väikestest mõõtmetest head siseruumi. [4] Algselt saavutades kütusesäästliku, usaldusväärse ja keskkonnasõbraliku maine, on hilisemad iteratsioonid saanud tuntuks jõudluse ja sportlikkuse poolest, eriti Civic Type R, Civic VTi, Civic GTi ja Civic SiR/Si. [5] [6]

Civicut on rahvusvaheliste turgude jaoks korduvalt uuendatud ja see oli aluseks Honda CR-X, Honda CR-X del Sol, Concerto, esimese põlvkonna Prelude, Civic Shuttle (hiljem Orthia) ja CR-V (mida laiemalt kasutati Honda FR-V aluseks). [7]

Jaapanis, kui kliendid hakkasid üha enam minivenide ja kompaktsete autode, nagu Fit, poole pöörduma, lõppes mittehübriidse Civicu tootmine 2010. aasta augustis, kui see ei vastanud enam Jaapani valitsuse mõõtmete eeskirjadele laiuse kategoorias. [8] Siiski toodi Civic Jaapani turule tagasi kümnenda põlvkonna mudeli turuletoomisega 2017. aastal. [9]


Kodanikuühiskond

Inimese õigusi ja kohustusi kodanikuna uuritakse kodanikuõpetusena. See on kombinatsioon paljudest ainetest, sealhulgas ajaloost, politoloogiast ja sotsiaalteadustest.

Enne Esimest maailmasõda uuriti demokraatia põhimõtteid ajaloo ja politoloogia tundides. Need rõhutasid kohalike, osariigi ja föderaalvalitsuste struktuuri ja funktsiooni. Enamikus sellistes õppeprogrammides jäeti kodakondsus tähelepanuta.

1900. aastate alguses hakkasid paljud pedagoogid nõudma keskkooliõpilastele uut praktilise kodakondsuse kursust. Et anda õpilastele võimalus rakendada demokraatia põhimõtteid, võeti kasutusele kursused, mida nimetatakse kodanikuks (ladinakeelsest sõnast “kodanik”). Rõhutati kodakondsuse inimlikku aspekti. Kodanikukursuse raames julgustati õpilasi osalema sellistes organisatsioonides nagu õpilasesindused, koolilehed ja väitlusmeeskonnad.

Näiteks saavad õpilasesinduse liikmed esmakordselt teadmisi demokraatlikest põhimõtetest nagu hääletamine. Nad õpivad hindama, valima ja kandidaadiks kandideerima. Nad õpivad kandidaadi nimel kampaaniat tegema. Nad õpivad, kuidas valida ametisse kõige kvalifitseeritum kandidaat. Koolilehe liikmed saavad kogemusi sõnavabaduse ja ajakirjandusvabaduse põhimõtetega. Väitlejad õpivad olulisi küsimusi mõlemalt poolt.


Kodanikuõpetus: miks neil on tähtsust, mida arvavad vanemad ja õpetajad ning kuidas nad saavad tõde tagasi nõuda

Ameeriklaste haridus oma ajaloo ja asutamise kohta on kriisis, kuna radikaalsed aktivistid suruvad kodanikuhariduse varjus õpilaste peale Ameerika-vastaseid filosoofiaid.

Uus uuring näitab, et vanemad on valmis parandama oma laste kodanikuhariduse kvaliteeti ja soodustama riigi põhialuste hindamist.

Õpilased peavad õppima tõde Ameerika pärandi kohta, mis hõlmab nii selle puudusi kui ka märkimisväärseid tugevusi ja õnnestumisi.

Ühinemisvabadus on vaba Ameerika jaoks hädavajalik nagu kunagi varem. Suur prantsuse mõtleja Alexis de Tocqueville imetles selle riigi „assotsiatsiooniteadust” - Ameerika erakordset harjumust, et kodanikud tulevad kokku ühiseid probleeme lahendama. Täna tahavad paljud valimisõiguseta ameeriklased võita tagasi kodanikuhariduse osas saavutatud kultuuriline konsensus. Heritage Foundationi uuringud, andmed ja analüüs on näidanud, et lapsevanemad on valmis aitama parandada nende laste kodanikuhariduse kvaliteeti ja edendama riigi iseseisvusdeklaratsioonis ja põhiseaduses sätestatud aluspõhimõtete tunnustamist.

Keskendudes tõe otsimisele kodanikuhariduses ning teades teadlike ja kaasatud vanemate koalitsiooni, pakutakse väga viljakat teekaarti õitsevale kodanikuühiskonnale kõigile ameeriklastele. Õpilased peavad õppima tõde Ameerika pärandi kohta - selle puudusi ja märkimisväärseid tugevusi. Iga Ameerika laps peaks pärima tunnustuse rahva vabaduse ja vooruslikkuse kontseptsioonide vastu, uurima arhitekte ja omavalitsusharjumusi ning mõistma, miks nad ise kannavad vastutust kodakondsusest tulenevate hüvede ja kohustuste järgimise eest.

Tänaseks on aga kriitilise rassi teooria (CRT), mis muudab rassi prismaks, mille kaudu selle pooldajad analüüsivad kõiki Ameerika elu aspekte, jõudnud kogu riigi klassiruumidesse. CRT toetab identiteedipoliitikat, juhtides otsuseid nahavärvi järgi, mitte individuaalsete teenete ja annete järgi. CRT õpetab noori meeli nägema maailma kaheks kategooriaks - rõhujad ja nende ohvrid, nõrgendades avalikke ja erasidemeid, mis loovad usalduse ja võimaldavad kodanikuaktiivsust.

Need õpetused pööravad ümber tohutuid edusamme, mida see riik on teinud rassisuhete ja võrdõiguslikkuse valdkonnas, ning varastavad õpilastelt suurema osa ajaloost, alustades väikestest lastest. Noori ameeriklasi õpetatakse mitte oma riigi üle uhkust tundma, vaid nägema seda rõhujana. Selle hävitava ja ohtliku suundumuse ümberpööramiseks on hädavajalik, et koolid õpetaksid Ameerika aluspõhimõtteid, luues samal ajal tugevad suhted vanemate ja õpetajate vahel.

Heritage'i Edwin J. Feulneri instituudi REF tellitud kaks uuringut (üks vanematest, üks õpetajatest) viitavad sellele, et kodanikuhariduse renessansi põhiprintsiibid peavad hõlmama aktiivsete vanemate koalitsioonide loomist, mis annavad vanematele, õpilastele ja õpetajatele raamistiku tagasitõmbumiseks politiseeritud ja ideoloogiliste õpetuste vastu, vähendades seeläbi tagasilöögi ohtu õpilaste vastu, kes väljendavad oma iseseisvat ja kriitilist mõtlemist, lükkavad tagasi parteipoliitika ja tagavad õppekavade läbipaistvuse.

Soovitused riigi poliitikakujundajatele

Et pakkuda vanematele ja õpetajatele rohkem ja paremat kodanikuharidust, peaksid koolid edendama kodanikualaseid teadmisi. Feulneri instituudi uuringust selgus, et kaks kolmandikku vanematest ja ligi kolmveerand õpetajatest jagavad tugevat soovi näha suuremat rõhku kodanikuharidusele. Tõepoolest, vanemate huvi kodanikuhariduse vastu on viimase viie aasta jooksul oluliselt suurenenud. Siiski on ainult umbes kolmandik igast rühmast rahul tüüpi nende koolide kodanikuõpetuses sisalduvast sisust. Kodanikuhariduse parandamiseks ja perede vajaduste rahuldamiseks on riikidel vaja võtta konkreetseid meetmeid. Riigi poliitikakujundajad peaksid:

Suunake koolipiirkondi kasutama kodaniku- ja ajaloomaterjale, mis õpetavad õpilastele teadliku kodakondsuse kohustusi. Vanemad ja õpetajad usuvad, et õpilased saavad kasu kodanikuharidusest, mis õpetab neile valitsuse põhifunktsioone. Nii vanemad kui ka õpetajad nõustuvad, et tänapäeva Ameerika kodanikuühiskonna kõige olulisem ülesanne on „praktiline teave ja juhised kodaniku ülesannete täitmiseks”. Mõlemad rühmad nõustuvad ka sellega, et kodanikuõpetuse õppekavad peaksid keskenduma peamiselt „kodakondsuse õigustele ja kohustustele”, mitte kriitilisele rassi teooriale - ideoloogiale, mis õpetab, et inimesed on oma nahavärvi alusel rõhutud või rõhutud.

Kuid paljud koolipiirkonnad üle riigi on traditsioonilise kodanikuhariduse rõhutamisest loobunud ja keskenduvad selle asemel koolitustele, mis on suunatud erapoolikusele ja mitmekesisusele. Koolipiirkonnad peaksid julgustama koole ja haridustöötajaid keskenduma traditsioonilise kodanikuõpetuse sisu õpetamisele, mis varustab õpilasi tööriistadega, mida nad vajavad pärast kooli sisuliseks kodanikuaktiivsuseks. Seda eesmärki silmas pidades on koostanud rangeid kodanikuõpetuse materjale sellised organisatsioonid nagu 1776 Unites, klassikalise hariduse instituut, Jack Milleri keskus, Bill of Rights Institute ja Ashbrooki keskus. Nagu hiljutises pärandis selgitatud Väljaande lühikokkuvõte"See materjal tunnistab faktide tähtsust ja tunnustab perioode ajaloos, mil ameeriklased ei suutnud oma ideaale täita, kuid ei lasknud neil perioodidel varjutada vabaduse ja seaduse alusel kehtiva vabaduse ja kultuuri rahvuslikku iseloomu ja kultuuri." REF

Keelata kriitilise rassi teooria rakendamine riigikoolides. The rakendus CRT klassiruumis rikub föderaalseid kodanikuõiguste seadusi:

nagu pärandanalüütikud Lindsey M. Burke, Jonathan Butcher ja Mike Gonzalez hiljuti selgitasid oma avalikus kommentaaris, mille nad esitasid CRT -d puudutava föderaalse reegli kohta. REF -i osariigi poliitikakujundajad peaksid rõhutama sõnavabaduse õiguste kaitsmist, järgides samas selliste riikide eeskuju nagu Idaho, kes hiljuti kiitis heaks seaduse, mis kaitseb lapsi CRT -de eest. Seadus ei keela koolidel õpetada seda, mis on CRT, kuid keelab koolidel sundida õpilasi CRT -d kinnitama, omaks võtma või sellest kinni pidama sunnitud kõne ja muude tavade abil.

Luba alternatiivne õpetaja sertifitseerimine. Ligikaudu 90 protsendil riigikoolide õpetajatest on riiklik õpetamisluba, hinnanguliselt 70 protsenti neist sai selle hariduskolleegiumi kaudu. REF CRT ja selle ajaloo perverssus läbivad neid kõrgkoole-koolitusplatse sadadele tuhandetele õpetajatele, kes sisenevad igal aastal klassis K-12. Kandideerivad õpetajad ei peaks vastu võtma CRT -alast koolitust. Osariigid peaksid lõpetama nõuded, et õpetajatel oleks riiklik sertifikaat, vähendades märkimisväärselt hariduskolleegiumidesse õppimist, lubades samas alternatiivset õpetajate atesteerimist, mis toimub väljaspool neid kolledžeid.

Nõua riigikoolidelt, et nad teeksid avalikult kättesaadavaks materjalid enne K – 12. Vanemad hindavad ja tahavad õppekava läbipaistvust. Kuigi vaid kolmandik (35,6 protsenti) vanematest ütles, et nende laste kool on oma haridusfilosoofia ja õppekava sisu edastamisel „väga läbipaistev“, ütles 62,8 protsenti vanematest, et nende jaoks on läbipaistvus oluline (36,9 protsenti ütles, et see on „väga oluline ”). Vanemate soovi täitmiseks, et neil oleks lihtne juurdepääs oma lastekoolis õpetatavale sisule, peaksid osariigid nõudma, et avalikud koolipiirkonnad paneksid kursuste ainekavad, määratud raamatute ja artiklite pealkirjad ning klassitööd üles võrku. Utah ja Arizona võtsid hiljuti vastu ettepanekud, mis pakuvad eeskuju teistele osariikidele.

Looge ja laiendage haridusvabadust. Koolivalik on kodanikuhariduse taastamise oluline komponent. Üks olulisemaid vahendeid CRT vastu võitlemiseks klassiruumis on anda vanematele kontroll, kus ja mida nende lapsed õpivad. Tõepoolest, nagu näitas Feulneri instituudi uuring, on erakoolis käivate laste vanemad kõige rahulolevamad (68 protsenti) oma koolis õpetatava kodanikuõpetuse sisuga. Osariigid peaksid järgima Arizona, Florida, Indiana, Mississippi, Põhja -Carolina, Tennessee ja Lääne -Virginia eeskuju ning pakkuma vanematele haridushoiukontosid, võimaldades neil tasuda erakoolide ja valitud haridusvõimaluste eest. Osariigid annavad osa rahast, mis oleks kulutatud lapsele avalikus koolis, otse vanematele piiratud kasutusega ESA näol. Vanemad saavad seejärel kasutada neid vahendeid, et tasuda mis tahes haridusega seotud teenuse, toote või pakkuja, sealhulgas erakooliõppe, veebipõhise õppe, eriharidusteenuste ja -teraapiate, eraõpetajate ja hulga muude haridustoetuste eest tasumiseks.

Võimalus vanematel suunata, kuhu nende laste osa hariduse rahastamisest kulutatakse, võimaldab neil mitte ainult oma lapsi sobivate koolidega sobitada, vaid peab ka kõiki koole vastutavaks, lubades vanematel oma raha mujale viia, kui konkreetne kool ei vasta nende nõuetele. lapse vajadused. Selline vastutus on võtmevahend veendumaks, et koolid reageerivad vanematele, kes nõuavad kvaliteetset kodanikuharidust.

Järeldus

Tõe poole püüdlemine on suurim lootus tagasi pöörduda kõigi ameeriklaste usaldusväärse ja tõelise liberaalse hariduse juurde. „Sest ükski inimene ei loovuta oma vabadusi õigeaegselt ega saa kergesti allutada, kui teadmised on levinud ja voorus on säilinud,” kirjutas Samuel Adams 1775. aastal. Järgmise põlvkonna harimise nurgakivi hõlmab teadmiste, oskuste ja harjumuste edasiandmist. mis arendavad vastutustundlikke kodanikke: omavalitsuslikke kodanikke, kes saavad areneda demokraatlikus vabariigis.

Õpetajad ja vanemad peavad tegema koostööd, et kaitsta lapsi ideoloogia ja poliitilise aktiivsuse sunniviisilise juurutamise eest. Sellised tavad ohustavad igaühe vabadust ja vabadusi. President Ronald Reagani sõnad on tänapäeval tõesed:

Vabadus pole kunagi väljasuremisest kaugemal kui üks põlvkond. Me ei edastanud seda oma lastele vereringes. Selle eest tuleb võidelda, seda kaitsta ja edasi anda, et nad sama teeksid, või ühel päeval veedame oma päikeseloojanguaastad oma lastele ja laste lastele rääkides, milline oli kunagi Ameerika Ühendriikides, kus mehed olid vabad.

Ameeriklased peaksid taas pühenduma kodanikuõpetusele klassiruumis ja kodus. Kui õpilased mõistavad, kuidas minevik ühendub olevikuga, hakkavad nad kaitsma Ameerika idee pühadust ning hindavad nende ideaalide kehtivust ja asjakohasust kõigi ameeriklaste jaoks, eriti neile, kes on kaotanud usalduse, et nende rahvas on lootuse koht. , võimalus ja kogukond kõigile.

Angela meremees on The Heritage Foundationi Edwin J. Feulneri instituudi asepresident. Lindsey M. Burke, PhD, on hariduspoliitika keskuse direktor ja The Heritage Foundationi perekonna, kogukonna ja võimaluste instituudi hariduspoliitika juhataja Mark A. Kolokotrones. Anne Segal on The Frontier Labi asutaja. Adam Kissel on Lääne -Virginia poliitika kardinali instituudi vanemteadur.

Lisa: Uuringu tulemused: vanemate ja õpetajate arvamused kodanikuõpetusest

1. Sissejuhatus arvamustesse kodanikuhariduse ja kriitilise rassi teooria kohta

Feulneri instituut uuris 1003 õpetaja ja 1012 lapsevanema küsitlusvastuseid kodanikuhariduse eesmärgi ja sisu kohta. Kaks kolmandikku vanematest ja ligi kolmveerand õpetajatest jagavad tugevat soovi näha suuremat rõhku kodanikuharidusel. Siiski on ainult umbes kolmandik igast rühmast rahul tüüpi nende lastekoolide kodanikuõpetuse sisust.

  • 63,4 protsenti lapsevanematest ja 73,9 protsenti õpetajatest ütleb, et kodanikuõpetust tuleks rohkem rõhutada üheksandates kuni 12.
  • 40,3 protsenti lapsevanematest ja 56,3 protsenti õpetajatest ütleb, et kodanikuharidust tuleks rohkem rõhutada lasteaiast kuni kaheksanda klassini.
  • Sellega on rahul 38,1 protsenti vanematest ja 31,5 protsenti õpetajatest tüüpi nende koolide kodanikuõpetuses sisalduvast sisust.

Täiendav uurimine selle kohta, kuidas küsitluses osalejad vastasid sisu puudutavatele küsimustele, näitab, et mõned erinevused esinevad mitte ainult vanemate ja õpetajate arvamuste vahel, vaid ka erineva haridustasemega vanemate arvamuste vahel.

Uuring 1: meetod. Vanemate ja õpetajate kodanikuuuringu 1. uuringu jaoks küsitlesid küsitlejad Ameerika Ühendriikides kooliealiste laste (enne K – 12) vanemaid 18+ vanuseid. Braun Research, Incorporated korraldas 30. detsembrist 2020 kuni 2. veebruarini 2021. Internetis kokku 1012 lapsevanema intervjuud. Selle uuringu valimisvea piir on +/– 3,08 protsenti (usaldusnivoo 95 protsenti).

Uuring 2: meetod. Vanemate ja õpetajate kodanikuuuringu 2. uuringu jaoks küsitlesid küsitlejad Ameerika Ühendriikides koolieelse K – 12 klassi õpetajaid. Braun Research korraldas 30. detsembrist 2020 kuni 2. veebruarini 2021. Internetis ja telefoni teel kokku 1003 õpetajaintervjuud. Selle uuringu valimisviga on +/– 3,09 protsenti (95 -protsendiline usaldustase). Õpetajate valimisse kuulub 84,3 protsenti riigikooliõpetajaid, 11,2 protsenti erakooliõpetajaid ja 4,6 protsenti tšarterkooliõpetajaid.

2. Tänapäeva kodanikuhariduse nõudlus ja eesmärk

Kodanikuharidust eelistavad tänapäeval nii vanemad kui ka õpetajad igas vanuses laste hariduses. See nõudlus keskendub tugevamalt kõrgematele klassidele (üheksa kuni 12), kuid püsib tugev isegi enne K – 8 aastat. Õpetajad teatasid aga, et nende huvi K -8 kodanikuhariduse vastu oli suurem kui 14 protsendipunkti võrra suurem kui lapsevanematel. Kodanikuhariduse vastu on suurem huvi nende seas, kes peavad end demokraatideks, kõrgelt haritud vanemateks ja erakooliõpilaste vanemateks, kui nende kolleegid.

Vanemad ja õpetajad ütlesid ka, et õpilased tegelevad klassiruumis kodanikuõpetusega seotud teemadel rohkem kui teiste teemadega-ometi usuvad vanemad ja õpetajad, et klassiruum on rohkem jagatud ja vähem kodanikumaks kui varem.

  • 30,8 protsenti lapsevanematest ütles, et õpilased muutuvad ühiskondlikel teemadel üha enam lahku, 23,3 protsenti ütlesid, et õpilased on ühtsemad, 25,7 protsenti ütlesid, et asjad on umbes samad, ja 20,2 protsenti on ebakindlad.
  • 38,6 protsenti õpetajatest ütles, et õpilased muutuvad ühiskondlikel teemadel üha enam lahku, 23,1 protsenti ütlesid, et nad on ühtsemad, 25,7 protsenti ütlesid sama kohta ja 12,6 protsenti pole kindlad.
  • 33,9 protsenti lapsevanematest ütles, et klassiruumis valitsev õhkkond on vähem tsiviilne, 25,9 protsenti tsiviilasem, 26,2 protsenti ütles sama ja 14,0 protsenti pole kindel.
  • 38,1 protsenti õpetajatest ütles, et klassiruumis valitsev õhkkond on vähem tsiviilne, 24,3 protsenti tsiviilasem, 31,0 protsenti ütles sama ja 6,6 protsenti pole kindel.

Samuti arutatakse klassiruumis rohkem kui varasematel aastatel ning õpilased tunnevad suuremat huvi kodanikuaktiivsuse vastu.

  • 31,9 protsenti vanematest ja 41,7 protsenti õpetajatest ütlesid, et õpilased on rohkem kaasatud.
  • 36,0 protsenti vanematest ja 54,6 protsenti õpetajatest märkis, et arutelu on suurem kui eelmistel aastatel.
  • 37,6 protsenti lapsevanematest ja 50,4 protsenti õpetajatest ütles, et kodanikuaktiivsuse vastu tuntakse suuremat huvi kui varasematel aastatel.

Praegused hoiakud kodanikuhariduse eesmärgi suhtes näitavad esialgset ühetaolisust, aga ka kriitilist erinevust vanemate ja õpetajate vahel. Kuigi mõlemad rühmad nõustusid, et tänapäeva Ameerikas on kodanikuühiskonna kõige olulisem ülesanne „praktiline teave ja juhised kodaniku ülesannete täitmiseks”, ei leppinud nad kokku järgmises kõige olulisemas funktsioonis: 25,1 protsenti vanematest et tähtsuselt teine ​​ülesanne on „tagada, et oleme Ameerika Ühendriigid edasi”, samal ajal kui sellega nõustus vaid 16,0 protsenti õpetajatest. Õpetajad panid suuremat rõhku „paljastada õpilastele erinevaid seisukohti Ameerika kohta”.

Lõpuks ütles 79,3 protsenti lapsevanematest ja 74,4 protsenti õpetajatest, et nad oleksid valmis oma laste/õpilastega rohkem aega veetma, et tagada kodanikuhariduse saamine.

Kodanikuõpetuseks koos toetavate vanemate ja õpetajatega ning energilistes õpilastes on nii nõudlust kui ka võimalust, et saada vastuolulisemat ja elavamat klassiruumi.

Rahulolu kodaniku sisuga. Nii vanemate kui ka õpetajate paljusus on kodanikuõpetuse sisu tüübi suhtes neutraalne, kuid erinevused vanemate rassist või haridustasemest näitasid suurema rahuloluga rühmi. Üldiselt on umbes kolmandik (38,1 protsenti vanematest ja 31,5 protsenti õpetajatest) rahul oma kooli kodanikuõpetuse õppekavas sisuga, kuid mõlema rühma paljusus on neutraalne: 43,5 protsenti vanematest ja 46 protsenti õpetajatest. Kui 17,6 protsenti vanematest ja 13,3 protsenti õpetajatest on „väga rahul” - see tähendab, et nad hindavad oma rahulolu 7 -ga skaalal 1 kuni 7 -, siis veel 20,5 protsenti vanematest ja 18,3 protsenti õpetajatest andsid hinded 6.

Rahulolu kodanikuõpetuse sisu tüübiga varieerus vastavalt vanemate rassile, kusjuures nii valged kui ka hispaanlastest vanemad olid valdavalt neutraalsed ja mustanahalised vanemad olid ainus rassirühm, kes oli valdavalt rahul. Hispaanlastest vanemad on vähem tõenäolised kui mustad või valged vanemad - ja mustanahalised vanemad olid kõige tõenäolisemalt „väga rahul”.

  • 25 protsenti mustanahalistest vanematest on „väga rahul” (skoor 7) vs 17 protsenti valgeid vanemaid ja 13 protsenti hispaanlastest vanemaid.
  • 55 protsenti mustanahalistest vanematest on „rahul” (skoor 6 või 7), võrreldes 36 protsendiga valgeid vanemaid ja 30 protsenti hispaanlastest vanematest.
  • Hispaanlastest (51 protsenti) ja valgetest (45 protsenti) vanemad on sisutüübi suhtes valdavalt neutraalsed, enamusega on rahul ainult mustanahalised vanemad.

Kõige haritumad vanemad näitasid oma kooli kodanikuõpetuse sisu suhtes suuremat toetust kui teised haridustasemed: 58 protsenti kraadiõppe saanud vanematest olid rahul oma laste koolis praegu õpetatava kodanikuõpetuse sisuga. need vanemad, kellel on kõrgharidus ja 35 protsenti neist vanematest, kellel on keskkooli diplom või vähem.

Muud erinevused kodanikuõpetuse õppekava sisuga rahulolus hõlmavad erakonda (demokraadid on 15,6 protsendipunkti võrra rahulolevamad kui vabariiklased), piirkondlikku piirkonda (kesklinnlased on kõige vähem rahul) ja kooliõpilaste tüüpi. Erakoolis käivate laste vanemad on kodanikuühiskonna sisu tüübiga kõige rohkem rahul (68 protsenti).

  • Demokraatlikud vanemad: 49 protsenti rahul.
  • Vabariiklastest vanemad: 33 protsenti rahul.
  • Harta kooli vanemad: 55 protsenti rahul.
  • Koduõppe vanemad: 41 protsenti rahul.
  • Erakooli vanemad: 68 protsenti rahul.
  • Riigikooli vanemad: 34 protsenti rahul.
  • Kesk -lääne inimesed on teiste piirkondadega võrreldes kõige vähem rahul sisutüübiga.

Ideaalse kodanikuhariduse elemendid. Uuringutes küsiti ka vanematelt ja õpetajatelt ideaalse kodanikuhariduse elementide kohta kahel viisil: esiteks küsiti, millistele teemadele tuleks keskenduda, ja teiseks paluti osalejatel vastata mitmele elemendile, millises ulatuses nad iga elementi uskusid. tuleks kaasata kodanikuõpetuse õppekavasse.

Esiteks, mis puudutab teemasid, mis peaksid olema kodanikuõpetuse õppekava keskmes, valis enamik vanemaid (68,1 protsenti) ja õpetajaid (82,7 protsenti) esmaseks fookuseks „kodakondsuse õiguste ja kohustuste uurimine”. Pakutavatest valikutest valisid ka vanemad (34,0 protsenti) ja õpetajad (41,3 protsenti) kõige vähem tõenäoliselt valiku „Kriitiline rassiteooria”.

Õpetajad (63,4 protsenti) eelistavad vanemaid (41,8 protsenti) esmaste allikate asemel esmaseid allikaid ja täiendavaid uuringuid.

Kodutöö sisu klassiruumis. Nii vanemate kui ka õpetajate paljusus on neutraalne nii kulutatud aja kui ka kodanikuõpetuse sisu tüübi suhtes. Rahulolu kodanikuõpetusele kuluva ajaga varieerub aga rassist olenevalt. Kui 21,3 protsenti kõigist lapsevanematest on kodanikuharidusele kuluva ajaga „väga rahul“, siis mustanahaliste vanemate puhul suureneb see arv 37 protsendini (20 protsenti valgetest ja 18 protsenti hispaanlastest vanematest on „väga rahul“).

Vaid umbes kolmandik (35,6 protsenti) vanematest ütles, et nende laste kool on oma haridusfilosoofia ja õppekava sisu edastamisel „väga läbipaistev“, samas kui 44,8 protsenti õpetajatest ütles, et nende kool-see on enam kui üheksa protsendipunkti erinevus. Erakoolides olevate laste vanemad pidasid oma kooli palju tõenäolisemalt väga läbipaistvaks (66 protsenti) võrreldes riigikoolides elavate laste vanematega (30 protsenti). Samal ajal ütlesid vanemad, et nende jaoks on oluline läbipaistvus (62,8 protsenti), sealhulgas 36,9 protsenti, kes ütlesid, et see on „väga oluline”.

3. Eriteema: kriitiline rassiteooria

Kriitiline rassiteooria (CRT). Vähem kui neli kümnest vanemast tunnevad CRT -d ja õpetajad tundsid seda terminit tõenäolisemalt kui vanemad. Nendest vanematest, kes CRT -d tunnevad, on ainult pooled sellest positiivselt meelestatud.

  • Üks kolmandik vanematest (35,0 protsenti) ütles, et on CRT-ga tuttav.
  • 43,3 protsenti õpetajatest ütlesid, et nad on tuttavad.
  • Paljud vanemad (39,8 protsenti) ütlesid, et nad on võõrad, ja 25 protsenti olid ebakindlad.

Kui kuus kümnest vanemast on neutraalsed või pole CRT -s kindlad, siis 34 protsenti vanematest (ja 41,3 protsenti õpetajatest) toetab kodanikuõpetuse keskendumist CRT -le 28,6 protsenti vabariiklastest vanematest valis CRT -d, võrreldes 43,6 protsendiga demokraatlikest vanematest. USA lääneosa valis selle teiste piirkondadega võrreldes kõige tõenäolisemalt (42,9 protsenti). Avaliku kooli laste vanemad valisid CRT fookuse väiksema tõenäosusega (34,7 protsenti) kui hartakool (48,7 protsenti) või erakool (43,9 protsenti) koduõppevanemad valisid selle kõige vähem (26,3 protsenti).

Kui küsiti, mil määral tuleks kineskoopi kaasata kodanikuõpetuse õppekavasse, mitte seda, kas see peaks olema fookuses, ütlesid pooled lapsevanemad (49,9 protsenti) ja veelgi suurem osa õpetajatest (57,5 protsenti), et see tuleks lisada (andes hindeid 6 või 7 7-palli skaalal).

Vanemate vähesus mõistega „kriitiline rassiteooria” (ainult 35 protsenti vanematest on tuttav) koos sooviga see teemaks valida (34 protsenti) ja pidada seda asjakohaseks (49,9 protsenti) viitab sellele, et see toetus võib põhineda muudel teguritel, võib -olla kaasamisvaimul, kuigi ei tea, mida see mõiste tähendab.

Soolised rollid. 50,6 protsenti vanematest ütlesid, et soorollid on kodanikuõpetuse õppekava jaoks üldiselt asjakohased (skoor 6 või 7 seitsmest), umbes üheksa protsendipunkti madalamad kui õpetajad, kellest 59,5 protsenti ütles, et teema on asjakohane.

Sotsiaalsed põhjused. Suurem osa (58,4 protsenti) vanematest toetab keskkooliõpilasi, kes osalevad sotsiaalsete eesmärkide edendamisel 25,5 protsenti on neutraalsed. Need vanemad, kes olid aspirantuuris, olid kõige toetavamad (74 protsenti). Lisaks oli varieeruvus rassi järgi: 72 protsenti mustanahalistest vanematest on toetavad, võrreldes 58 protsendiga hispaanlastest ja 56 protsenti valgete vanematega.

Muud teemad

Asutajaaeg. Ligi kuus kümnest (56 protsenti) lapsevanemast arvab, et „põhiseaduse ja asutamisaja viivad filosoofiad” on kodanikuõppe õppekava jaoks asjakohased teemad. Kõigist rassilistest rühmadest toetasid hispaanlased seda fookust kõige vähem "väga asjakohasena": 20 protsenti hispaanlastest vanematest ütles, et see on väga asjakohane, võrreldes 32 protsendi mustanahaliste ja 31 protsendi valgete vanematega.

Sarnane protsent õpetajaid (59,5 protsenti) nõustub, et „Põhiseaduse ja asutamisajani viivad filosoofiad” on kodanikuõppe õppekava jaoks asjakohased teemad. Suurim erinevus vanemate ja õpetajate vahel ilmneb rassirühmade kaupa jaotatuna. Kuigi valgetel vanematel ja õpetajatel ning mustanahalistel vanematel ja õpetajatel on sama arvamus, oli hispaanlastest vanemate ja õpetajate ning mittevalgete vanemate ja õpetajate vahel palju suurem erinevus: 19,5 protsenti hispaanlastest vanematest, kes toetavad selle teema kaasamist kodanikuõpetuse õppekavasse. suureneb 41,7 protsendini õpetajatest, samas kui 29,8 protsenti mittevalgetest vanematest suureneb 36,7 protsendini mittevalgetest õpetajatest.

Kooli valik. Rohkem vanemaid ja õpetajaid on koolivaliku suhtes neutraalsed või ebakindlad kui need, kes seda toetavad: enne mõiste määratlemist pooldavad koolivalikut 40,3 protsenti vanematest ja 38,0 protsenti õpetajatest ning 51,3 protsenti vanematest ja 43,8 protsenti õpetajatest neutraalne või ebakindel. Nii vanemate kui ka õpetajate seas toetasid mehed seda sagedamini kui naised, peaaegu 20 protsendipunkti võrra. Kõige vähem toetasid seda riigikooli õpilaste vanemad (36,3 protsenti) ja erakooliõpilaste vanemad (71 protsenti).

Kui vanemate jaoks hiljem koolivalik määrati, suurenes nende toetus 40,3 protsendilt 65,2 protsendile ning lõhe meeste ja naiste vahel vähenes oluliselt. Lisaks suurendas mõiste määratlemine riigikooli õpilaste vanemate toetust 26,5 protsendipunkti võrra. Sellegipoolest, isegi kui see oli määratletud, oli veerand vanematest endiselt ebakindel oma arvamuses koolivaliku kohta.

Arutelu ja täiendavad leiud

Õpetajad tunnevad mõningaid uuemaid kodanikuharidusega seotud termineid paremini kui lapsevanemad, kuid nad pooldavad ka jõulisemalt kodanikuharidusega seotud traditsioonilise sisu muutmist. Vanemate üldine „neutraalne” element viitab sellele, et vanemad peavad tegema tööd, et mõista kodanikuhariduse teemade kirjeldamiseks tavaliselt kasutatavaid termineid nii traditsioonilises kui ka progressiivses lähenemisviisis.

Lisaks väitsid pooled lapsevanemad, et nad ei saanud kasvades kodanikuharidust või polnud kindlad, kas said. Kui vanemad otsivad kodanikuühiskonna suuremat tähtsustamist, hakkavad paljud kaardistama territooriumi, mida nad ise ei kogenud (või ei mäleta).

Kuigi klassiruum on jagatud, soovivad kodanikuharidust nii vanemad kui ka õpetajad. Vanemad, kellest vaid 42,2 protsenti ütlesid, et Ameerika parimad päevad on alles ees (28,8 protsenti ütlesid, et need päevad on minevikus), näitavad, et nende laste hariduses on puuduv osa.

Õpetajate prioriteediks seadmine funktsioon „paljastada õpilasi Ameerika suhtes erinevatel seisukohtadel” on vastuolus vanemate sooviga kodanikuühiskonna järele „tagada, et oleme ühtne Ameerika”.


Honda Civicu visuaalne ajalugu

Esimene Civic tuli müüki 1970ndate alguses hinnaga alla 2000 dollari.

See võib tunduda veider säästuauto üle põrutada, kuid Honda Civicu puhul on see meie lugupidamise pälvinud. Kui see 1972. aastal debüteeris, kuulasid ameeriklased Carole Kingi plaate Civicu esimeste rataste suuruse kohta. See oli kummaline kümnend, kuid kella- ja rulluiskude riigis tuli Jaapani luukpära, millel oli põiki paigaldatud 1,2-liitrine mootor. Esimene Civic oli kõik, mida teised väikesed autod polnud. Chevrolet Vega ja Ford Pinto veeresid ohvreid rahvusvahelise kütusekriisi ajal, kuid väike ja tõhus Civic tundus täiuslik ajastus. Samuti oli lõbus sõita, mis on tänapäevalgi tõsi. Enjoy this brief history of the legendary H-badge lineage, from its humble beginnings to its high-performance adolescence.

Although the exteriors were virtually indistinguishable, Honda offered the first-gen Civic as both a three-door hatchback and a sedan. The sedan version essentially was exactly like the hatchback, except that the conventional trunklid and fixed rear seat of the sedan were replaced by an upward-hinged rear window and fold-down seat in the hatchback. Wheels were 12 inches in diameter, and radial tires, A/C, a two-speed automatic transmission, and a rear hatch wiper were the only options. In C/D's review of the 1973 Civic, we said, "For convenience on congested inner-city streets it is without peer." Quality and optimism were in short supply in the early 1970s, and the Civic had both in spades.

In 1974, Honda added a larger engine to the Civic measuring 1237 cubic centimeters. Horsepower was up by two for a total of 52 hp, which is pretty impressive given the minuscule increase in displacement. The feds got their licks in, too, with the new 5-mph bumper mandate requiring Honda to fit beefier units to the Civic. (1975 model pictured)

Although Honda managed to sell a respectable 43,119 Civics in 1974, it was the arrival of the CVCC engine in 1975 that established the Japanese maker as a credible threat to the old guard. While the majority of automakers where begrudgingly fitting exhaust catalysts to their vehicles in order to meet the nation's tightening emissions standards, Honda quietly went to work and found a better way. Displacing 1488 cc and producing 53 horsepower, the CVCC (Compound Vortex Controlled Combustion) engine featured a head and fuel-delivery design for cleaner and more complete combustion that met the new standards without the need for a catalytic converter and while still running on leaded gasoline. A new five-speed manual transmission and wagon body style came onboard as well, and the Civic was ranked number one on the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency&rsquos first list of America&rsquos most fuel-efficient cars in 1977. It was worth the effort, as sales of the Civic topped 100,000 units.

To finish out the decade, Honda bestowed upon the Civic some subtle exterior styling tweaks including a blacked-out grille and new hood vents for 1978. The add-on turn signals remained, but their PepBoys look was toned-down dramatically by moving them to under the bumper. 1979 brought power increases for both engines, the base unit now producing 55 horsepower and the CVCC unit now making a neck-breaking 63. (1978 Honda Civic GL pictured)

By the time the second-generation Civic debuted in 1980, Honda had surpassed its status as a niche automaker. With a wheelbase of 88.6 inches for the hatchback (a two-inch increase over the original Civic&rsquos Lilliputian 86.6-inch span), the Civic had grown slightly but was still dwarfed by the domestic competition. Both available engines, a 55-hp 1.3-liter and a 67-hp 1.5-liter, now employed the CVCC design. Base models got a four-speed manual transmission, while DX trims got the five-cog unit the two-speed automatic returned as an option. In 1981, a Civic Wagon was also added. (1981 Honda Civic GL pictured)

Stepping up to the GL trim brought a tach and clock on the inside and enhanced trim, radial tires, and a rear window wiper/washer on the outside. To celebrate the final year of second-gen Civic production in 1983, Honda dumped the 1500 GL trim and replaced it with the Civic S model. It featured a firmer suspension, a rear stabilizer bar, and 13-inch 165/70 Michelin tires. (1981 Honda Civic GL pictured)

In 1984, Arnold was still the Terminator, mullets and neon hues were considered cutting-edge fashion, and MTV continued its quest to make radio irrelevant. To celebrate, Honda released an all-new Civic. Available in hatch, sedan, and wagon body styles, the wheelbase grew by five inches, with the sedan and wagon now sharing a wheelbase with the Accord and Prelude. The 1.5-liter four-cylinder with a three-valve head became standard across the lineup, except in the base three-door hatch, which carried on with the old 1.3-liter unit, and the FE model was scuttled. This is the era the popular D-series engine was introduced. Sadly, the independent rear suspension was ditched during the makeover for one with a more compact design. (1984 Honda Civic S pictured)

The third-generation Civic wagon became known as the &ldquoTall Boy&rdquo due to its extra height and larger rear-window area. In 1987, the wagon would be offered with four-wheel drive. (1985 Honda Civic wagon pictured)

In 1986, Honda began building Civics Stateside at its facility in central Ohio. An Si hatchback was also offered we've covered the history of the Civic Si model elsewhere on the site. (1986 Honda Civic sedan pictured)

The fourth-generation Civic debuted in 1988 sporting a new engine family, airier greenhouses, and a softer shape almost completely devoid of the creases that defined the previous two generations. The DX hatchback and sedan as well as the new LX sedan and wagon received the new fuel-injected, 92-horsepower, 1.5-liter 16-valve engine, while the base hatch made do with a fuel-injected 70-hp four. Those looking for a little Si action could order the four-wheel-drive Civic wagon, which came equipped with the same 105-hp 16-valve four-holer that motivated the CRX Si. Sitting high atop the Civic lineup, the new-for-&rsquo88 LX sedan offered buyers decadent comforts such as power windows, locks, mirrors, and intermittent wipers. (1988 Honda Civic DX hatchback pictured)

In addition to a slight increase in wheelbase (the hatch now measuring 98.4 inches compared with the previous gen&rsquos 96.5), a control-arm suspension setup, reportedly inspired by Honda&rsquos Formula 1 cars, was employed front and rear. Despite the model being named to our 1988 10Best list, a Civic DX hatch finished second-to-last in our "Eight for Ten" sub-$10K small-car comparo that same year. The Civic was beat by, among others, the Volkswagen Fox, Subaru Justy, and Mercury Tracer. Okay then. For the record, the Civic made it back to the 10Best list for 1989. (1988 Honda Civic DX pictured)

1990 brought revised bumpers and taillights, and the EX sedan arrived to knock the LX sedan off the top of Civic mountain. Equipped with the 14-inch wheels, the EX offered all of the LX&rsquos accoutrements, plus the 105-hp engine from the freshly reintroduced Civic Si. In 1991, the fourth-gen Civic finished its run virtually unchanged. (1991 Honda Civic EX sedan pictured)

Packing more trim and engine options than ever, the fifth-generation Civic approached the model's 20th anniversary with a hint of order-sheet price creep that its earlier offerings so efficiently avoided. Among the trim levels for the hatchback: CX, DX, VX, and Si. The CX got a 70-hp 1.5-liter four the VX a 92-hp 1.5-liter with variable valve timing (VTEC-E) optimized for fuel savings the DX a 102-hp 1.5-liter and the Si a 125-hp VTEC engine. A driver&rsquos-side front airbag became standard, the wagon was dropped, and sedans came in the familiar DX, LX, and EX trim levels, the latter adding the Si&rsquos 125-hp engine and a standard sunroof to its list of niceties. (1992 Honda Civic VX hatchback pictured)

The Civic coupe debuted in 1993 (as did the Civic-badged Del Sol). Sharing its 103.2-inch wheelbase with the sedan, the coupe came in DX and EX trim levels that mirrored those of the hatchback. The EX coupe, however, upped the ante in terms of optional amenities, adding a one-check package that included a passenger airbag and a higher-output stereo. (1993 Honda Civic DX coupe pictured)

Safety features led the way for 1994 model year, with the Civic receiving a passenger-side front airbag across the lineup. Anti-lock brakes became optional on the top-drawer EX coupe, Si hatchback, and the new-for-&rsquo94 LX sedan, which slotted into the lineup between the DX and the top-dog EX. LX buyers received cruise control, 14-inch wheels&mdasheven in 1993, the DX was still rolling on 13-inchers&mdashand power windows, locks, and mirrors. 1995 marked the end of the line for the fifth-gen Civic, and it finished out its cycle with minor changes.

Although Paul Walker drove a Mitsubishi Eclipse in the 2001 film, The Fast and the Furious, the Honda Civic is really responsible for it all. The movie featured a scene where a group of fifth-generation Civics attempt a heist on a semi truck. Like the rest of the film, this scene is totally over the top, as the black Civics had giant fiberglass bodykits, green aftermarket underbody lighting, and exhaust sound dubbed over the actual filming to heighten the action.

Redesigned for the 1996 model year, the Civic continued its growth pattern, as overall length increased from two to four inches depending on the model. Hatchbacks now had the 103.2-inch wheelbase of the coupes and sedans, but the number of hatch trims was pared down to two&mdashonly the CX and DX made the cut. A fully revised 1.6-liter engine that produced 106 horsepower and earned low-emission-vehicle status motivated the CX, DX, and sedan-only LX models. To help fill the hole left by the departure of efficiency-focused VX hatch, Honda added an HX trim to the coupe lineup. Powered by a revised 1.6-liter VTEC-E engine, the HX coupe posted EPA figures of 39 mpg city and 45 mpg highway. Later, Honda would make a continuously variable automatic transmission available as an option on the HX. (1996 Honda Civic DX hatchback pictured)

The entire Civic lineup got 14-inch wheels for 1997 curiously, anti-lock brakes disappeared from the Civic coupe EX&rsquos order sheet. 1998 brought the addition of the natural-gas-powered GX, which was sold exclusively to fleet customers. Interior map lights and an exterior handle were the main updates for the hatchback. 1999 saw the arrival of Honda&rsquos &ldquovalue package&rdquo that bundled A/C, a CD player, an automatic transmission, and other high take-rate options into one value-priced pack. The Civic Si also reappeared at this time but only as a coupe. (1996 Honda Civic sedan interior pictured)

Although it debuted three years earlier in Japan, the U.S. finally got the Honda Civic Si as a 1999 model, this time in coupe form. A high-revving VTEC dual-overhead-cam 1.6-liter, better known as the popular B16 engine, made 160-hp. That's a lot for its size, but more impressively it could rev as high as 8500 rpm. It was a raw performer, one that's still a blast to drive today, even against its modern counterpart. It could scream to 60 mph in just 7.1 seconds, and was surprisingly quick in the quarter-mile, at under 16 seconds. For reference, the 1994 Acura NSX achieved a blistering 13.6-second time. The sixth-generation Civic Si coupe would only last two model years, making it a growingly valuable Honda to still own today. To answer your question, yes, you should've kept yours.

By the time the redesigned seventh-generation Civic debuted for the 2001 model year, the world had changed dramatically. The internet had taken root, MP3 music files were in steady circulation, and fuel prices, after nearly a decade of uncharacteristic stability, would begin to climb in the wake of the events of 9/11. The Civic rode into the new millennium with fresh styling and a new suspension on a 103.1-inch wheelbase. Out went the Civic&rsquos control-arm front suspension, replaced by a strut setup, and the 1.6-liter four got another bump in displacement, now measuring in at 1.7 liters. Producing 117 horsepower in DX and LX trims, the Civic got an extra 10 from the engine for duty in the EX. (2001 Honda Civic HX pictured)

Shifting was handled via a five-speed manual or four-speed automatic the CVT returned for the natural-gas GX and as an option on the efficiency-focused HX. 2002 brought a revised steering box and slightly modified suspension to address the ride and handling, and the use of sound insulation materials were increased to quiet the cabin noise levels. (2001 Honda Civic EX Interior pictured)

In 2002, Honda only offered its Si model as a hatchback. Assembled in Swindon, England, the 160-hp 2.0-liter engine wasn't the most exciting piece of equipment. Although it had more torque before, the new 2.0-liter, dubbed the K20, offered the same horsepower, but with a redline of just 6800 rpm. The Civic Si also moved to a MacPherson-style strut assembly for the front suspension, instead of a double wishbone setup. Honda also put the shifter on the dash, instead of the floor. Despite its obvious lack of thrill, it still placed second in a three-car hot-hatchback showdown behind the Ford Focus SVT. The chassis was revised in 2004 with five-lug wheels, brighter projector headlights, and an available Honda Factory Performance package added a special suspension, body parts, and wheels.

In 2003, Honda released the Civic hybrid to the U.S. market powered by an 85-hp 1.3-liter four mated to a 13-hp electric motor sandwiched between the gas engine and the transmission. The combo employed a number of efficiency tricks including engine stop-start, cylinder deactivation, and low-rolling-resistance tires, among others, to earn a rating of 46 mpg in the city and 51 mpg on the highway. It was the first vehicle sold here to be certified as an Advanced Technology Partial Zero-Emissions Vehicle (AT-PZEV) from the California Air Resources Board. Honda loyalists gleefully pointed out that the 1995 Civic VX returned 48/55 mpg in the same tests. (2003 Honda Civic hybrid pictured)

Even more sound-deadening materials arrived for 2004, as did new stereo speakers to take advantage of the ostensibly quieter cabin. Hybrid drivers got more comfortable thanks to a height-adjustable seat. To finish out the run, in 2005 Honda created an SE model featuring aluminum wheels, a spoiler, and a leather-wrapped steering wheel the Special Edition package was revamped for both the sedan and coupe, offering an upgraded stereo with MP3 capability and a six-disc CD changer. (2004 Honda Civic sedan pictured)

After years of unadventurous and logical updates, Honda veered off the beaten path with the introduction of the eighth-generation Civic. Fresh and funky&mdashfor a Civic, anyway&mdashthe short hood and steeply raked and expansive windshield yielded to a more traditional profile and rear flanks. The Civic became heavier, likely in part due to the additional airbags required to improve safety ratings over its predecessor. A new Civic Si also debuted as a 197-hp coupe with a six-speed manual. A Civic Si sedan would be introduced later, but both cars came standard with a limited-slip-differential and an impressive 8300 rpm redline.

The first-ever Civic Si sedan arrived for 2007, while in 2008 leather upholstery appeared on the order sheet for the first time in the model's history. To commemorate the inclusion of animal hides, Honda introduced the EX-L trim level to the Civic. 2008 also saw the release of the limited-production Mugen Si sedan (pictured).

The natural-gas GX also returned for 2006 (it first appeared in 1998 as a fleet vehicle), this time packing a 1.8-liter engine mated to a five-speed automatic transmission. We had trouble wrapping our heads around the logic of paying $25,185 for the Civic GX sedan&mdashthe only CNG-powered vehicle available to new-car buyers at the time&mdashwhen a base Civic DX could be had for $16,405. Heavier, slower, and featuring less usable trunk space, the GX burned clean but at a hefty price. The Civic hybrid returned too, this time earning city and highway EPA ratings that both stood at 50 mpg. After ratings were rejiggered for 2008, however, the hybrid's rating dropped to 40/45 mpg.

Appearing as a concept, the ninth-generation Civic made its public debut at the 2011 Detroit auto show. Although technically a prototype, Honda's usual practice is to preview its latest models as near-production concepts to keep the car-buying public&rsquos attention as long as possible. (Honda Civic concept pictured)

When we got our hands on a pair of 2012 Civics (coupe and sedan) in April of 2011, we were a little underwhelmed. At the time, we noted how the styling updates&mdasha longer hood, sculpted bumper, and larger taillamps&mdash&ldquomade the Civic look more conventional than before.&rdquo Overall width, height, and length were unchanged, and despite the sedan's 1.6-inch shorter wheelbase, rear legroom increased by 1.6 inches. Unfortunately, the sharp driving dynamics that helped to set the Civic apart from the rest of the economy-car pack were dulled in the redesign process, with a softer suspension and less controlled body motions. In addition, steering response was slowed in an effort to improve linearity, while road feel and feedback were reduced in the process. One of our reviewers referred to the car's handling as &ldquoalarmingly Lincoln-like.&rdquo Adding insult to injury, the interior layout and quality of some of the materials, long a Civic high point, took a step backward, too. While competent, the 2012 Civic lost the plot.

Aware of its transgressions and eager to restore the Civic to its place at the top of the compact-car heap, Honda made quick reparations for the 2013 model year. The suspension was massaged with thicker anti-roll bars (up 0.9 inch in front and 0.2 inch at the rear), stiffer springs (by 15 percent in the front and 18 percent in back), and retuned dampers. At the time, we called the effects, &ldquoalmost transformative,&rdquo going on to say that, &ldquothe ride is now controlled without being harsh, imparting a distinctly less cheap feeling.&rdquo The steering was also addressed, Honda quickening the ratio by 8 percent (quantified as going from 16.1:1 to 14.9:1). Although it still lacked feel, the new steering ratio returned the quick and agile personality of previous models. Those tweaks, combined with a refreshed interior featuring a reworked center stack and upgraded plastics, made the Civic far less of a bummer.

Atoning for sins committed in 2012 and not fully reversed with its 2013 Civic update, Honda rolled out an all-new Civic for 2016. The tenth-generation model launched as a four-door sedan but was quickly joined by a striking two-door coupe and, later, a four-door hatchback. A 158-hp 2.0-liter inline-four was standard&mdashwith a manual transmission!&mdashand a 174-hp turbocharged 1.5-liter four was optional and also available with a stick shift. The sole automatic option was a continuously variable transmission, albeit one of the best of its type in the industry. Critically, every version of the new Civic drove with an enthusiasm and sharpness lacking from the previous model, and the turbocharged iterations were surprisingly quick, even when equipped with the CVT.

One year after the 10th-generation Civic gwent on sale, the lineup expanded to include a sporty Si variant. Available in both four-door-sedan and two-door-coupe forms, the Si featured a sport-tuned suspension with adaptive dampers, aggressive body addenda (including a center-exit exhaust), and a 205-hp version of the regular Civic&rsquos turbocharged 1.5-liter four. Chassis poise and grip were superb, and the sole transmission choice&mdasha six-speed manual was a joy to use.

The only car to wear a red Type R badge before it, was the Acura Integra Type R in 1997. We tested it, and it was an awesome car, but the 306-hp turbocharged hatchback-only Civic that Honda now sells in the U.S. was worth the wait. Unlike the normal Civic hatchback, this model is wider, with a a crazy wing bolted to the rear hatch and 20-inch wheels so big it's almost embarrassing. Its body has anime proportions, but on the inside is a surprisingly pleasant ride thanks mostly to its comfortable cloth bucket seats. The Type R is offered with a manual six-speed transmission, just like the Si. During our testing, it achieved 0.99 g on the skidpad and stunning grip is another big part of what makes the car so much fun.

In 2017 the Honda Civic Type R set a lap time record, making it the quickest front-wheel drive car around Germany's 12.9-mile Nürburgring Nordschleife with a time of 7:43.80. It beat the Volkswagen GTI Clubsport by 3.39 seconds. When Honda brought it to our annual Lightning Lap track event in 2018, it also became the quickest front-wheel drive car we'd ever driven there.

The 2022 Honda Civic prototype is a glimpse at the 11th-generation Civic, expected to arrive in spring 2021. Details are pretty scarce, but we expect to to see hatchback, Si, and Type R versions. The coupe that died at the end of the 2020 model year won&rsquot make a return. The windows are tinted dark on purpose, as not to reveal the interior. The real 11th-generation Civic should debut closer to its on-sale date next spring.

The 11th-generation Honda Civic has been revealed in full and will use the same 158-hp four-cylinder and 180-hp turbocharged four-cylinder as before. The Civic's new subdued appearance is more serious and similar to the Accord. It's all grown up now. The wheelbase is longer by 1.4 inches and the rear track is 0.5-inch wider. The Civic sedan arrives first, but a hatchback model and Si and Type R performance versions are on the way. The civilized Civic will be sold with a continuously variable automatic transmission only&mdashadding to everyone's anticipation for for the manual-transmission Civic Si and Type R models. The interior is refined as well. A 7.0-inch touchscreen was once the biggest screen you could get in a Civic, now it&rsquos standard equipment. A 9.0-inch touchscreen is now offered on Touring models. And if you didn&rsquot like the plastic buttons on the previous Civic's steering wheel, well, try these new plastic buttons. The shifter has also been moved closer to the driver, rather than smack-dab in the middle of the center console. We&rsquoll throw 2022 Civic test results in here when we get behind the wheel of the new compact car later this year.


We Don’t Need Common Core Civics

Now that I’ve answered their defense of the Educating for American Democracy (EAD) civics initiative, Paul Carrese and James Stoner have come back with a response. Unfortunately, the premise of their piece is mistaken. They say that when it comes to history and civics, my strategy is “Just say no.” Well, no. That is wrong.

I do have a positive strategy. It’s just that it’s entirely different from EAD’s attempted re-run of the failed Common Core. Rather than try to force a national consensus that does not exist, I favor choice and competition through the creation of a genuine alternative to the left-dominated curricula and textbooks currently available to school districts across the country.

I have touted American Achievement Testing (AAT), now actively building a U.S. history curriculum around Wilfred McClay’s superb Land of Hope (with a civics curriculum to follow). This is the way to go. Build a history and civics curriculum that breaks with the dominant leftist textbooks on the market, then offer it for adoption at the local level. Some districts will take it. Others won’t. And that is all to the good.

The mistake Stoner and Carrese make is presuming that a “positive” solution has to be national. That was the error of Common Core, whose key supporters are, not coincidentally, part of the Educating for American Democracy Project. They are the folks who’ve failed to learn from the failures of the past (like the National History Standards debacle). The “bipartisan education reform movement” has miscarried repeatedly, for decades. Why keep digging when you’re already in a hole?

Like the proponents of Common Core, Stoner and Carrese deny that EAD is trying to impose a national solution. That is no more believable than it was with the original Common Core. Simply “aligning” the National Assessment of Educational Progress (NAEP) to EAD, as its backers want, will suffice to impose a single approach to history and civics on the nation. Hair-splitting arguments about what constitutes “curriculum,” “standards,” “guidance,” or “suggestions” are irrelevant. As with Common Core, the national “guidance” in question will be sufficient to take control of the education system in every state. Once it’s publicly declared that NAEP has been aligned to EAD, EAD will be able to endorse or even issue curricula that every teacher in the country will rush to adopt. In fact, EAD is already endorsing curricula. No single group, much less one totally dominated by the left, ought to have the kind of power that would come with “alignment” to NAEP.

Somehow the United States has managed to achieve sufficient agreement on the core ideas of civic education for the greater part of its history, without a national set of guidelines. Federalism works, and it’s needed now more than ever. Imposing a false consensus on a country that hasn’t got a real one is a recipe for still more division. Breaking the leftist monopoly on textbooks and curricula in order to give local school districts a genuine choice is the real route to a solution. Competition will work to pull divergent curricula toward a middle ground more authentically and effectively than an effort to craft false agreement within a totally unbalanced coalition.

The history and civics lesson we most need now is that America has never had nor profited from a national civic education initiative. That is the last thing we ought to seek today. It is an error to believe that the only “positive” approach is national. It has never been, and never will be, so long as our Constitution and our most fundamental civic traditions are in play.


Sisu

Voting[edit]

Voting is an important component of civics. Voting involves studying candidates on the ballot to understand each candidate's position and qualification. Voting also includes understanding the propositions that are on the ballot. Voting directly affects how government functions by selecting the candidate to work in the government.

Taxes are the price we pay for a civilized society, reportedly said by Holmes in a speech in 1904. Money provided by taxation has been used by states and their functional equivalents throughout history to carry out many functions. Some of these include expenditures on war, the enforcement of law and public order, protection of property, economic infrastructure (roads, legal tender, enforcement of contracts, etc.), public works, social engineering, subsidies, and the operation of government itself.


Governments use taxes to fund welfare and public services. These services can include education systems, health care systems, pensions for the elderly, unemployment benefits, and public transportation. Energy, water and waste management systems are also common public utilities.

Governments use different kinds of taxes and vary the tax rates. A nation's tax system is often a reflection of its communal values and/or the values of those in power. To create a system of taxation, a nation must make choices regarding the distribution of the tax burden—who will pay taxes and how much they will pay—and how the taxes collected will be spent. In democratic nations where the public elects those in charge of establishing the tax system, these choices reflect the type of community that the public wishes to create. In countries where the public does not have a significant amount of influence over the system of taxation, that system may be more of a reflection on the values of those in power. Wikipedia entry of taxes


Civic Engagement Through Time

Civic engagement is not a new phenomenon. While many experts in the U.S. begin with the history of civic engagement in 18th or 19th century New England, civic engagement has been deeply ingrained in human societies around the world likely since the dawn of civilization.

One famous historical example of mass civic action was the Struggle of the Orders. The episode was a two-hundred-year social reformation in ancient Rome. An excerpt from our post about grassroots activism describes the time period below.

Over the course of two hundred years…Rome’s social structure was so fragmented that the marginalized workers (or “Plebeians”) waged a non-violent struggle to gain the same rights and opportunities that the aristocracy (or “Patricians”) enjoyed.

The “Struggle of the Orders” (as it’s known today) started in 494 B.C. and lasted until 287 B.C. Throughout this period, the Plebians found creative ways of leveraging collective action to improve their situation.

In two instances, for example, the Plebians refused to serve in the army and left their positions in society. The workers moved outside of Rome, elected their own leaders, and threatened to leave the Republic. Eventually, the actions worked and the Plebians gained a better position in society.

This is not an isolated historical example. On the contrary, social movements such as the Struggle of the Orders have profound effects today and can reverberate around the world. Moments of mass civic engagement shape our social structure and values which can be passed from generation to generation.

A recent study out of Bard College, for example, concluded that children learn civic engagement from their parents. Researchers examined data from the British Household Panel Survey between 1991 – 2008. They found that children of parents who volunteered and engaged in politics were significantly more likely to engage in similar activities when they reached adulthood.

Researchers even noted that peer influence did not seem to have an impact – either positively or negatively on the children’s involvement. That means that parents have a strong influence on their child when it comes to community participation. So, even small amounts of participation in civic life could impact your family and community for generations!


Sixth Generation Honda Civic (1996 – 2000)

Honda launched a new generation Civic for the 1996 model year that was overall bigger than the previous gen. Hatchbacks now had the same 103.2-inch wheelbase as the coupes and sedans, and the overall length of the car was up around two to four inches.

Once again, sedans were offered in DX, LX and EX trim levels. Honda replaced the VX hatchback with a new coupe, the HX. Despite being designed to replace the fuel efficient VX hatchback, the HX could only manage to offer 39 mpg in the city and 45 on the highway, a significant reduction when compared to the VX. This was in part due to a more powerful 1.6-litre 115 horsepower VTEC-E engine and added body weight.

Later in the year, Honda introduced a continuously variable automatic transmission (CVT) for the HX that promised seamless performance with manual-like fuel economy performance.

Hatchback models were reduced to two models, the CX and DX. Honda installed a new 1.6-litre 106 horsepower engine in the CX and DX, which meant the cars qualified for Low Emission Vehicle (LEV) certification.

The del sol was excluded from the redesign of the Civic range, but was given a number of tweaks to bring it up to date. The 1.6-litre power unit from the new Civic was fitted to base models and the Si version was given the VTEC’s stiffer suspension. A new front fascia was installed on all models of the del sol. No updates were made to the del sol in 1997 as it was the final year for the vehicle.

Due to popular demand and to the joy of small-performance car enthusiasts across the world, Honda reintroduced the Civic Si in 1999. It now featured a coupe style body and was kitted out with a potent 1.6-litre 160 horsepower VTEC engine that gave the car similar performance to the del sol and the more expensive Integra GS-R. There were new 15-inch alloy feels with 195/55R15 tyres, firmer suspension, a front strut tower brace, and disc brakes all round. On the outside, a front spoiler, side sills and subtle body graphics set the Si apart from other Civics.

Honda Civic Type R EK9 (1997 – 2000)

While the Si’s reintroduction was a pleasure for all motoring enthusiasts, it was the Civic Type R that really showed that Honda meant business. The Type R name was reserved for Honda’s special performance models, with the first one being the NSX Type R that launched in 1992.

The Ek9 Civic was the third car to be given the Type R badge after the NSX Type R and the Integra Type R DC2. It was introduced in 1997 and shared many characteristics with the Integra Type R. The Civic went on a serious diet, with anything unnecessary being removed (sound deadening, other creature comforts).

Honda installed a hand ported B16B engine in the Civic that boasted one of the highest power outputs per litre of all time for a naturally aspirated engine. With 182 horsepower on tap and a redline of over 8,000rpm, the 1.6-litre Civic was a real screamer. It also featured a front helical limited-slip differential and a close ratio gearbox.

While the magnificent engine performance was a much talked about feature of the Civic Type R, it was the handling that really stole the show. For the first time, a strategically seam welded monocoque chassis was used to improve chassis rigidity and cornering performance. There were also upgraded sway bars and strut bars, along with 15-inch wheels and performance tyres.

On the inside of the Type R, Honda fitted red Alcantara trimmed Recaro seats, red door cards, red Type R floor mats, a Momo leather-wrapped steering wheel and a titanium shift knob.

In 1998, the Civic Type R Motor Sports edition was unveiled. This came with steel wheels, no power windows, no power steering, no radio, no air conditioning, and the same iconic red Type R interior.

For those who wanted a few more comforts they could opt for the Civic Type Rx, which featured air conditioning, power windows, electric door mirrors, keyless unlock, a carbon centre panel and aluminium sports panels.


Bring Civics Back to the Classroom

(Thinkstock)

M argaret Thatcher once said, “European nations were made by history. The United States was made by philosophy. Unique among all nations, the United States knows precisely when and exactly why it was founded.”

Today, that may be changing. Survey after survey shows that Americans have a dismally poor understanding of the founding principles underpinning our nation.

Only one in four Americans can name all three branches of government. Seventy percent don’t know that the Constitution is the supreme law of the land.

More in Public Schools

What David French Gets Wrong about Critical Race Theory and Public Schools

Teachers See Progress, Conservative Parents See Racism. The Battle for Public Education Arrives in Red America

Massachusetts Public School District Encourages Students to Report Peers, Teachers for ‘Bias’ Violations

Step Up to Restore a Sound American Civics

The Revolt against Left-Wing Schooling

How Southlake, Texas, Won Its Battle against Critical Race Theory

DeSantis Signs Bill Requiring Time for Students to ‘Reflect’ and ‘Pray as They See Fit’ in Schools

The Department of Education Is Failing Our Kids

Biden Wants to Fix Education Funding by Throwing More Dollars into a Broken System

Loudoun County Teacher: District Has Created ‘Very Hostile Environment’ over Equity Initiatives

It gets worse. According to a jaw-dropping survey recently commissioned by the Conference on Jewish Material Claims Against Germany (Claims Conference), nearly two-thirds of young adults don’t know that 6 million Jews were killed in the Holocaust. Nearly a quarter said they believed that the Holocaust was a myth, or it had been exaggerated, or they weren’t sure.

What’s more, the National Assessment of Educational Progress, which regularly issues national report cards on such topics as civics, geography, and U.S. history, found that three-quarters of eighth-graders were unable to demonstrate a proficient understanding of democratic citizenship, government, or American constitutional democracy.

For elected officials, education leaders, parents, and concerned citizens everywhere, these statistics should be a call to action. Our democracy depends on an engaged and informed citizenry. We need a swift intervention — which begins with the family and is solidified in the classroom.

Justice Sandra Day O’Connor, herself a living civics lesson, said, “Knowledge of our system of governance and our rights and responsibilities as citizens is not passed along through the gene pool. Each generation of Americans must be taught these basics.”

In her honor, today and every September 25 hereafter, Arizona is celebrating “Sandra Day O’Connor Civics Celebration Day.” The date is significant it’s the anniversary of Sandra Day O’Connor’s swearing-in as the first female Supreme Court justice of the United States.

But it’s more than just honorary. A law I signed in March (the “Civics Celebrations Day bill“) requires schools to dedicate the majority of today’s classroom instruction to civics. That means that, from our littlest kindergartners to high-school seniors, students across Arizona are spending today learning the importance of our constitutional system.

These types of intentional interventions can help turn back the tide of years of disappearing civics curriculum. As an example of how far we’ve fallen, the same NAEP report card showed that just 22 percent of eighth-grade students have teachers with a primary responsibility for teaching civics to their classes.

It’s no wonder that we’ve seen appreciation for our government and its institutions replaced by apathy and alienation.

Another way to make sure that civics gets back into the classroom is to test it. After all, what gets tested gets taught.

That’s why I was proud to make the first bill I signed the American Civics Act, legislation that requires graduating high-schoolers to pass the same test given to new citizens. Today, 34 other states have followed Arizona’s lead by passing similar legislation.

Advancing civics instruction need not be partisan in fact, it can be bipartisan, as it has been in Arizona and in states around the country.

Just as we have a responsibility to ensure that students are equipped to excel in the workforce, we have an obligation to prepare them for the demands of citizenship. There are more benefits to this than simply voter turnout.

An appreciation for the principles and history that bind us together as a nation reminds us that disagreement doesn’t have to lead to division that ideas and action do matter and that our country has been tested before and has always endured.

We have our work cut out for us, but across the country, where students are engaged and learning about the Constitution and its purpose, there is hope.

Let us not resign ourselves to cynicism and hopelessness. We can rise to the challenge and meet this moment with the same innovation and resolve that have characterized the American experiment for the past nearly 250 years. Indeed, it is our generational responsibility. And it begins with the family and is solidified in the classroom.


Vaata videot: Mida tähendab SOLIDAARSUS? (Mai 2022).