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Christian Pilgrim pudel

Christian Pilgrim pudel


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Prügimees: miks ma rassistlikke esemeid kogun

Olen prügikoristaja, rassistlik prügi. Kolm aastakümmet olen kogunud esemeid, mis laimavad ja halvustavad aafriklasi ja nende ameeriklaste järeltulijaid. Mul on 1930. aastatest pärit salongimäng "72 Pictured Party Stunts". Üks mängu kaartidest juhendab mängijaid: "Minge läbi värvilise poisi liigutustest, kes söövad arbuusi." Kaardil on näha pimedate mustade silmade ja veripunaste huultega poissi, kes sööb nii suurt arbuusi kui ta on. Kaart solvab mind, aga ma kogusin selle ja 4000 sarnast eset, mis kujutavad mustanahalisi kui Coonit, Tomsit, Sambot, Mammiet, Picaninniet ja muud dehumaniseerivat rassilist karikatuuri. Ma kogun seda prügi, sest usun ja tean, et see on tõsi, et sallimatuse esemeid saab kasutada sallivuse õpetamiseks.

Ostsin oma esimese rassistliku objekti, kui olin 12 või 13. Minu mälestus sellest sündmusest pole täiuslik. See oli 1970ndate algus Alabamas, minu nooruspõlve kodus. Kaup oli väike, tõenäoliselt Mammy soolakreem. See pidi olema odav, sest mul polnud kunagi palju raha. Ja see pidi olema kole, sest pärast diilerile maksmist viskasin eseme maapinnale, purustades selle. See ei olnud poliitiline tegu, ma lihtsalt vihkasin seda, kui saate objekti vihata. Ma ei tea, kas ta sõimas mind, ta tegi seda kindlasti. Mina olin see, kes Mobileis, mustad ja valged, keda nimetamatult nimetati "punaseks neegriks". Neil päevil võis ta selles kohas mulle selle nime ilma vahejuhtumiteta visata. Ma ei mäleta, kuidas ta mind kutsus, kuid olen kindel, et ta nimetas mind muuks kui David Pilgrimiks.

Mul on 1916. aasta ajakirjareklaam, kus on näidatud väike must poiss, pehmelt karikeeritud, joomist tindipudelist. Alumisel pealdisel on kirjas: "Neegripiim". Ostsin trükise 1988. aastal Indiana osariigis LaPorte'i antikvariaadist. See oli raamitud ja pakuti müügiks hinnaga 20 dollarit. Müüja kirjutas kviitungile: "Must trükk". Ütlesin talle, et ta kirjutaks: "Neegripiim."

"Kui kavatsete seda müüa, nimetage seda nime järgi," ütlesin talle. Ta keeldus. Me vaidlesime. Ostsin trükise ja läksin. See oli minu viimane vaidlus edasimüüja või müügiesindajaga täna, ostan esemed ja lahkun vähese vestlusega.

Mammy saltshaker ja "Neegripiima" trükk ei ole kõige solvavamad esemed, mida ma näinud olen. Aastal 1874 valmistas McLoughlin Brothers of New York pusletmängu nimega "Chopped Up Niggers". Täna on mäng hinnatud kollektsioon. Olen mängu kaks korda müügil näinud ja mul polnud ka selle ostmiseks vajalikku 3000 dollarit. On 20. sajandi esimese poole postkaarte, mis näitavad mustade piitsutamist või, mis veelgi hullem, puude otsas surnuna rippumist või maas lebamist tundmatuseni. Lintšitud mustade postkaarte ja fotosid müüakse eBays ja teistes Interneti -oksjonimajades umbes 400 dollari eest. Ma võin endale lubada selle ostmist, kuid ma pole selleks valmis, veel mitte.

Mu sõbrad väidavad, et olen rassistlike objektide kinnisideeks. Kui neil on õigus, algas kinnisidee ajal, mil olin bakalaureuseõppe üliõpilane Jarvis Christian College'is, mis on väike ajalooliselt must asutus Texases Hawkinsis. Õpetajad õpetasid enamat kui teaduslikke põhimõtteid ja matemaatilisi võrrandeid. Õppisin neilt, mis tunne oli elada mustanahalise mehena Jim Crow segregatsiooni all. Kujutage ette, et olete kolledži professor, kuid peate sõidu ajal kandma autojuhi mütsi sinu oma uus auto läbi väikelinnade, et mõni rahulolematu valge mees ei lööks teid selle üle, et olete "üllas". Lood, mida ma kuulsin, ei olnud vihased, veel hullem, need olid asjalikud jutustused igapäevaelust maal, kus iga mustanahalist peeti halvemaks kui iga valget, ajal, mil "sotsiaalne võrdsus" oli profaanne väljend, võitluslikud sõnad. Mustad teadsid oma riiete suurust. Miks? Kaubamajades ei tohtinud nad riideid selga proovida. Kui mustad ja valged kandsid isegi lühikest aega samu riideid, tähendas see sotsiaalset võrdsust ja võib -olla ka intiimsust.

Olin 10 -aastane, kui Martin Luther King juunior tapeti. Vaatasime matuseid minu viienda klassi väikeses mustvalges televiisoris Bessie C. Fonville'i algkoolis. Kõik mu klassikaaslased olid mustanahalised. Mobile oli uhkelt, trotslikult eraldatud. Kaks aastat hiljem kolis mu perekond odavamat maja otsides Alabamasse, Prichardi, väikesesse kõrvallinna, mis oli veelgi eraldatum. Vähem kui kümme aastat varem polnud mustanahalistel lubatud Prichardi linnaraamatukogu kasutada - kui neil polnud valge inimese märkust. Valgetele kuulus enamik kauplusi. Valged olid kõik valitud ametid. Olin osa klassist, mis integreeris Prichardi keskkooli. Kohalik televisiooni kommentaator nimetas seda "sissetungiks". Sissetungijad? Olime lapsed. Me võitlesime kooliteel täiskasvanud valgete ja koolis valgete lastega. Selleks ajaks, kui ma Mattie T. Blounti keskkooli lõpetasin, oli enamik valgetest linnast lahkunud. Jarvis Christian College'i jõudes ei olnud ma lõunamaiste rassisuhete suhtes naiivne.

Minu kolledži õpetajad õpetasid tavalisi tunde Frederick Douglassi, Sojourner Truth'i, Booker T. Washingtoni ja W.E.B. Dubois. Veelgi olulisem on see, et nad õpetasid toateenijate, ülemteenrite ja jagajate igapäevasest kangelaslikkusest, kes riskisid oma töö ja mõnikord ka oma eluga, et protestida Jim Crow eraldamise vastu. Õppisin ajalugu kriitiliselt lugema, "alt üles", mitte n-ö suurte meeste lineaarse kriitikana, vaid rõhutud inimeste vaatenurgast. Mõistsin suurt võlga, mille võlgnesin mustanahalistele - kõik, välja arvatud mõned, ajaloo unustatud -, kes kannatasid, et saaksin haritud olla. Jarvise kristlikus kolledžis sain teada, et teadlane võib olla aktivist. Siin tekkis mul kõigepealt mõte ehitada rassistlike esemete kogu. Ma polnud kindel, mida ma sellega teen.

Kõik rassilised rühmitused on selles riigis karikatuure tehtud, kuid ühtegi pole karikatuuritud nii sageli või mitmel viisil kui mustanahalisi ameeriklasi. Mustanahalisi on populaarkultuuris kujutatud haletsusväärse eksootika, kannibalistlike metslaste, hüperseksuaalsete kõrvalekallete, lapsemeelsete lollide, kuulekate teenijate, enesevihkamise ohvrite ja ühiskonnale ähvardavate ohvritena. Need mustavastased kujutised avaldusid rutiinselt materiaalsetel esemetel või nende peal: tuhatoosides, joogiklaasides, pankades, mängudes, kalapüügis, pesuvahendikastides ja muudes igapäevastes esemetes. Need objektid koos rassistlike esitustega peegeldasid ja kujundasid suhtumist afroameeriklastesse. Berkeley kunstikeskuse direktor Robbin Henderson (Faulkner, Henderson, Fabry, & amp; Miller, 1982) ütles: "halvustavad kujutised võimaldavad inimestel stereotüüpe neelata, mis omakorda võimaldab neil ebaõiglust, diskrimineerimist, segregatsiooni ja rassismi ignoreerida ja seda heaks kiita" (lk 11). Tal oli õigus. Rassistlikud kujundid on propaganda ja seda propagandat kasutati Jim Crow seaduste ja tavade toetamiseks.

Jim Crow oli midagi enamat kui märkide seeria "Ainult valged". See oli eluviis, mis lähenes rassilisele kastisüsteemile (Woodward, 1974). Jim Crow seadustele ja etiketile aitasid kaasa miljonid materiaalsed objektid, mis kujutasid mustanahalisi naeruväärsete ja taunimisväärsetena. Cooni karikatuur kujutas näiteks mustanahalisi mehi laiskade, kergesti hirmutavate, krooniliselt jõudeolevate, liigendamatute ja füüsiliselt koledate idiootidena. See mustade meeste moonutatud esitus leidis tee postkaartidele, noodile, lastemängudele ja paljudele muudele materiaalsetele objektidele. Coon ja teised mustanahaliste stereotüüpsed kujutised toetasid arvamust, et mustanahalised ei sobi rassiliselt integreeritud koolides käima, turvalistes piirkondades elama, vastutustundlikke töökohti tegema, hääletama ja avalikke ameteid pidama. Vähese vaevaga kuulen oma mustanahaliste vanemate - vanemate, naabrite, õpetajate - hääli, mis nõuavad, peaaegu anuvad: "Ära ole koon, ole mees". Elamine Jim Crow all tähendas häbi vastu võitlemist.

Ohio osariigi ülikooli kraadiõppurina kogutud nelja aasta jooksul kogusin palju rassistlikke esemeid. Enamik esemeid olid väikesed ja odavad. Maksin 2 dollarit postkaardi eest, millel oli näha hirmunud musta meest, keda alligaator sõi. Maksin 5 dollarit tikutoosi eest, mis näitas sambolaadset tegelast, kellel olid liiga suured suguelundid. Kogu, mida ma kogusin, ei olnud näidis sellest, mis Ohios eksisteeris - või kusagil, see oli hoopis proov sellest, mida ma endale lubada sain. Jõhkralt rassistlikud esemed olid ja jäävad kõige kallimateks "mustadeks kollektsioonideks". Ohio osariigis Orrville'is nägin raamitud trükist, millel on kujutatud alasti mustad lapsed, kes ronivad aia äärde, et siseneda ujumisauku. Pildiallkirjaks oli: "Viimane on neeger." Mul ei olnud selle ostmiseks 125 dollarit. See oli 1980ndate alguses, mõni aasta enne seda, kui rassistlike kollektsionääride hinnad tõusid. Täna müüakse seda trükist, kui see on autentne, mitme tuhande dollari eest. Puhkusel käisin Ohio -st Alabamasse kirbuturge ja antiigipoode otsimas, otsides mustanahalisi halvustavaid esemeid.

Ma saan aru, et minu aastad Ohio osariigi ülikoolis olid täis palju viha. Ma arvan, et iga terve mõistusega mustanahaline peab olema vähemalt mõnda aega vihane. Olin poliitiliselt liberaalses osakonnas sotsioloogia osakonnas ja jutt rassisuhete parandamisest oli tavaline. Mustanahalisi õpilasi oli viis -kuus ja me klammerdusime kokku nagu hirmunud kõrvalised. Ma ei räägi oma mustanahaliste kolleegide eest, kuid kahtlesin siiralt oma valgete professorite arusaamises igapäevasest rassismist. Nende loengud olid sageli hiilgavad, kuid mitte kunagi lõpule viidud. Rassisuhted olid söödaks teoreetilisele arutelule, mustad olid "uurimiskategooria". Tõelised mustad, tõeliste ambitsioonide ja probleemidega, olid problemaatilised. Ma olin oma valgete õpetajate suhtes kahtlane ja nad võtsid vastu.

Üks sõber soovitas mul osaleda mustade uuringute programmi valikainete kursustel. Ma tegin. Poliitikateadlane James Upton tutvustas mulle Paul Robesoni raamatut Siin ma seisan (1958). Robeson, vilunud sportlane ja meelelahutaja, oli ka aktivist, kes uskus, et Ameerika kapitalism on kahjulik ja kahjustab vaeseid inimesi, eriti mustanahalisi ameeriklasi. Robeson säilitas oma poliitilised veendumused hoolimata tõrjumisest ja otsesest tagakiusamisest. Ma ei olnud kapitalismivastane, kuid imetlesin tema valmisolekut järgida oma poliitilisi veendumusi-ja tema vankumatut võitlust rõhutud inimeste õiguste eest. Ma lugesin palju raamatuid rassi ja rassisuhete kohta, kuid vähesed mõjutasid mind nii palju kui Siin ma seisan. Lugesin James Baldwini romaane ja esseesid. Tema viha leidis tahtva kõrva, kuid mind häiris tema homoseksuaalsus. See on vaevalt üllatav. Mind kasvatati kogukonnas, mis oli demonstratiivselt homofoobne. Homoseksuaalsust peeti nõrkuseks ja "õed" olid "halb õnn". Valgetel bigottidel pole teadmatuse monopoli. Progressiivsus on teekond. Mul oli pikk tee minna.

Olen juba ammu tundnud, et ameeriklased, eriti valged, räägivad pigem orjusest kui Jim Crow. Kõik endised orjad on surnud. Nad ei kõnni meie keskel, nende kohalolek tuletab meelde seda ütlemata julma süsteemi. Nende lapsed on surnud. Poolteise sajandi kaugusel on tänapäeva ameeriklane orjus kahetsusväärsena, kui mustanahalised töötasid ilma palgata. Orjus oli muidugi palju hullem. See oli ühe rahva täielik domineerimine teise rahva poolt - koos eeldatavate kuritarvitustega, mis kaasnevad kontrollimatu võimuga. Orjad piitsutasid orje, kes neile ei meeldinud. Vaimulikud jutlustasid, et orjus on Jumala tahe. Teadlased "tõestasid", et mustad olid vähem arenenud, inimkonna alamliik ja poliitikud nõustusid. Õpetajad õpetasid väikelastele, et mustanahalised on oma olemuselt vähem intelligentsed. Seadused keelasid orjadel ja mõnikord ka mustadel vabad lugema ja kirjutama, raha omama ja valgetega vaidlema. Orjad olid omand - mõtlev, kannatav vara. Poolteise sajandi möödumine annab tüüpilisele ameeriklasele piisavalt "psühholoogilist ruumi" orjusega tegelemiseks, kui sellest ei piisa, võetakse omaks orjuse desinfitseeritud versioon.

Jim Crow õudusi ei ole nii lihtne ignoreerida. Jim Crow lapsed kõnnivad meie keskel ja neil on lugusid rääkida. Nad mäletavad Emmett Tilli, kes mõrvati 1955. aastal valge naisega suhtlemise eest. Ammu enne 2001. aasta 11. septembri traagilisi pommiplahvatusi olid Jim Crow ajal elanud mustanahalised tuttavad terrorismiga. Pühapäeval, 15. septembril 1963 pommitati Alabamas Birminghamis asuvat musta kirikut kuusteistkümnenda tänava baptistikogudust. Kakskümmend kolm inimest sai vigastada ja neli tüdrukut tapeti. Jim Crow'i perioodil üles kasvanud mustad võivad teile sellest pommitamisest rääkida - ja paljud teisedki. Mustanahalisi, kes julgesid protesteerida Jim Crowi väärituse vastu, ähvardati ning kui ähvardused ei andnud tulemusi, rakendati vägivalda, sealhulgas pommitamist. Jim Crow lapsed saavad rääkida Scottsboro poistest, Tuskegee eksperimendist, lintšimisest ja Martin Luther Kingi juutimõrvast ning neil on lugusid igapäevasest pahameelest, mis tabas mustanahalisi, kes elasid linnades, kus neid ei austatud ega tahetud .

Jah, paljud meist räägiksid pigem orjusest kui Jim Crow, sest Jim Crow arutelu tekitab küsimuse: "Aga täna?"

1990. aastal liitusin Michiganis Big Rapidsi Ferris State University sotsioloogia teaduskonnaga. See oli minu teine ​​õpetajaamet ja kolmas "päris" töö. Sel ajal oli minu rassistlike esemete kogu üle 1000. Hoidsin kollektsiooni oma kodus, tuues avalike aadresside esitamisel välja tükke, peamiselt keskkooliõpilastele. Avastasin, et paljud noored, mustad ja valged, ei teadnud mitte ainult rassismi ajaloolisi väljendusi, vaid uskusid, et ma liialdan, kui kirjeldasin Jim Crowi kohutavat olukorda. Nende teadmatus valmistas mulle pettumuse. Näitasin neile segregatsioonimärke, Ku Klux Klani rüüd ja igapäevaseid esemeid, mis kujutasid mustanahalisi räsitud riiete, küüritutute juuste, punnis silmade ja klounitaoliste huultega-jooksid praetud kana ja arbuuside poole ning põgenesid alligaatorite eest. Rääkisin õpilastega seosest Jim Crow seaduste ja rassistlike materiaalsete objektide vahel. Olin liiga raskete kätega, liiga sunnitud neid mõistma, et olen, st õppisin esemeid õppevahenditena kasutama-samal ajal tegeledes oma vihaga.

Üks oluline sündmus leidis aset 1991. aastal. Kolleeg rääkis mulle eakast mustast naisest, kellel oli suur mustanahaliste esemete kogu. Ma kutsun teda proua Haleyks. Ta oli väikeses Indiana linnas antiigikaupmees. Külastasin teda ja rääkisin talle oma kollektsioonist. Ta tundus muljet avaldamata. Kirjeldasin, kuidas kasutasin rassistlikke esemeid õpilaste rassismi õpetamiseks. Jällegi ei avaldanud ta muljet. Tema poes oli välja pandud mõned rassistlikud mälestusesemed. Küsisin, kas ta hoiab enamiku "mustast materjalist" oma kodus. Ta ütles, et hoiab neid tükke taga, kuid ma näen neid ainult siis, kui nõustun mõne tingimusega, nimelt ei saa ma teda kunagi "kiusata", et ta mulle ühegi eseme müüks. Olin nõus. Ta lukustas välisukse, pani aknasse suletud märgi ja viipas mulle, et järgneksin talle.

Kui ma elan 100 -aastaseks, ei unusta ma kunagi seda tunnet, mis mul tekkis tema kollektsiooni nähes, see oli kurbus, paks ja külm kurbus. Riiulitel, mis ulatusid laeni, oli kõrvuti sadu, võib-olla tuhandeid esemeid. Kõik neli seina olid kaetud mõnede kõige rassistlikumate objektidega, mida võib ette kujutada. Mõned objektid kuulusid mulle, teised olin näinud Black Memorabilia hinnakirjades ja teised olid nii haruldased, et ma pole neid hiljem näinud. Olin hämmingus. Kurbus. Tundus, nagu oleksin kuulnud, kuidas tükid räägivad, nurisevad. Eksponeeriti kõiki mustade inimeste, meie inimeste, mõeldavaid moonutusi. See oli õuduste kamber. Ta ei rääkinud. Ta vaatas mind, mina vaatasin esemeid. Üks neist oli mustanahalise elusuuruses puidust kuju, groteskselt karikatuurne. See oli tunnistus loomingulisest energiast, mis sageli varitseb rassismi taga. Tema seintel oli materiaalne dokument aafriklastele ja nende ameeriklastest järeltulijatele tehtud haavade ja kahjustuste kohta. Ma tahtsin nutta. Just sel hetkel otsustasin muuseumi luua.

Külastasin teda sageli. Ma meeldisin talle, sest ma olin "kodust pärit". Ta rääkis mulle, et 1960ndatel ja 1970ndatel kinkisid paljud valged talle rassistlikke esemeid. Nad ei tahtnud end rassismiga samastada. Neil oli piinlik. See meeleolu muutus 1980ndate keskel. Avaldati mitmeid ainult rassistlikele kollektsioonidele pühendatud hinnakirju. Hinnajuhendid aitasid luua tänapäevase rassistlike kollektsionääride turu. Iga uus hinnajuhend näitas hindade tõusu ja järgnes riiklik rassistlike esemete tagaajamine. Proua Haley kollektsioon oli väärt sadu tuhandeid dollareid, kuid tal polnud soovi tükke müüa. Need olid meie minevik, Ameerika minevik. "Me ei tohi unustada, kullake," ütles ta, ilma vihatagi. Umbes aasta pärast lõpetasin külastamise, ta suri ja kuulsin, et tema kollektsioon müüdi erakaupmeestele. See murdis mu südame mitmel tasandil. Mind häirib, et ta ei elanud muuseumi vaatamiseks, mida ta inspireeris.

Jätkasin rassistlike esemete kogumist: rassistlike teemadega muusikaplaate, sambo -kujutistega kalapüügilasti, lastemänge, mis näitasid paljaid, määrdunud musti lapsi - kõiki rassistlikke esemeid, mida sain endale lubada. Külmadel kuudel, mida soojematel kuudel antiigipoodidest ostsin, reisisin kirbuturgudele. Olin kannatamatu. Püüdsin edasimüüjatelt ja kollektsionääridelt osta terveid kollektsioone. Jällegi piirdus piiratud rahandus ainult väikeste kollektsioonide ostmisega.

1994. aastal kuulusin Ferris State University kolmeliikmelisse meeskonda, kes osales kahenädalasel seminaril Colorado College'is, Colorado Springsis. Lilly fondi sponsoreeritud konverents oli pühendatud vabadele kunstidele. Meie meeskonna ülesanne oli tutvustada "mitmekesisust" Ferris State University üldhariduse õppekavas. Reisisin koos kolleegi Mary Murnikuga kõikidesse kohalikesse antiigipoodidesse. Colorado Springs on poliitiliselt konservatiivne linn, pole üllatav, et müügil oli palju rassistlikke esemeid - mõni aastakäik, palju reproduktsioone. Ostsin mitu eraldusmärki, Coon Chicken Inn klaasi, kolm rassistlikku tuhatoosi ja palju muud. Ostsin ka mitu 1920ndate plaati, kõik rassistlike teemadega, edasimüüjalt, kes üritas rääkida "probleemist värviliste inimestega". Ma tahtsin plaate, ma ei tahtnud vestlust. Me meeskonna teise liikme John Thorpiga veetsime tunde strateegia planeerimisel, et veenda Ferris State University administratsiooni andma ruumi, kus oleks minu rassistlikud kollektsiooniesemed, füüsilist ruumi ja raha. See võttis mitu aastat aega, kuid tema ja mina olime edukad.

Täna olen Ferris State University rassistlike mälestusesemete muuseumi Jim Crow asutaja ja kuraator. Enamikku kollektsionääre rahustavad nende kogud, mida ma oma vihkasin, ja tundsin kergendust, kui sain selle oma kodust välja. Kinkisin kogu oma kollektsiooni ülikoolile tingimusel, et esemed eksponeeritakse ja säilitatakse. Mulle pole kunagi meeldinud, et esemed oleksid kodus. Mul olid väikesed lapsed. Nad rändasid keldrisse ja vaatasid "issi nukke" - kahte mannekeeni, kes olid riietatud täielikku Ku Klux Klani regaliasse. Nad mängisid rassistlike sihtmängudega. Üks neist, ma ei tea, kumb purustas "Tom" küpsisepurgi. Ma olin kaks päeva vihane. Iroonia pole minu jaoks kadunud.

Muuseum hakkab toimima õppelaborina. Ferris State University õppejõud ja üliõpilased kasutavad muuseumi rassismi ajalooliste väljendite mõistmiseks. Muuseum sisaldab ka esemeid, mis on loodud pärast Jim Crowi perioodi lõppu, see on väärtuslik täiendus, sest liiga paljud õpilased lükkasid rassismi kui "minevikku" tagasi. Muuseumi külastavad ka teadustööd tegevad teadlased, peamiselt sotsiaalteadlased. Ainult harva lubatakse lapsi tuppa ja täiskasvanuid - soovitavalt nende vanemaid - julgustatakse nendega kaasas olema. Soovitame kõigil külastajatel vaadata Marlon Riggi dokumentaalfilmi, Etnilised arusaamad (Riggs, 1987) või Jim Crow muuseum (Pilgrim & amp Rye, 2004), minu toodetud dokumentaalfilm ja režissöör Clayton Rye enne tuppa sisenemist. Kõigi ekskursioonide jaoks on olemas koolitatud muuseumi läbiviija. Muuseumi külastavad ka vaimulikud, kodanikuõiguste rühmitused ja inimõiguste organisatsioonid.

Jim Crowi muuseumi missioon on lihtne: kasutage sallimatuse õpetamiseks sallimatust. Uurime rassisuhete ajaloolisi mustreid ning rassistlike kujutamiste päritolu ja tagajärgi. Eesmärk on kaasata külastajad avatud ja ausasse dialoogi selle riigi rassiloo kohta. Me ei karda rääkida rassist ja rassismist, mida me ei karda. Jätkan avalike esitluste esitamist keskkoolides ja kolledžites. Rassisuhted kannatavad, kui arutelud rassi ja rassismi üle on keelatud. Keskkoolid, mis „siiralt“ lisavad oma õppekavadesse rassi, rassismi ja mitmekesisust, suurendavad sallivust teiste suhtes. Suhteliselt lihtne on tuvastada need keskkoolid, kes kardavad või ei taha rassi ja rassismi ausalt uurida. Sealt leiad 1950. aastate sarnase mustri igapäevastest rassisuhetest. Domineerivad rassilised stereotüübid, kuigi need võivad jääda ütlemata. Paratamatult toimub "rassiline vahejuhtum" - rassiline tõrjutus, võitlus, milles süüdistatakse "teist", - ja probleemiga tegelemiseks ei looda asjakohast alust, välja arvatud minu või muu sarnase palkamine. "mitmekesisuse konsultant" korra taastamiseks. Jim Crowi muuseum põhineb veendumusel, et eilsete vigade vältimiseks on vaja avatud, ausaid, isegi valusaid arutelusid rassist.

Meie eesmärk ei ole külastajaid šokeerida. Sellesse riiki tungib paks naiivsus Ameerika mineviku kohta. Paljud ameeriklased mõistavad ajaloolist rassismi peamiselt üldise abstraktsioonina: rassism oli olemas, see oli halb, kuigi ilmselt mitte nii halb, kui mustanahalised ja teised vähemused väidavad. Vastasseis rassismi visuaalsete tõenditega - eriti tuhandete esemetega väikeses ruumis - on sageli šokeeriv, isegi valus. Aastate lõpus hõlmasid rändkarnevalid ja lõbustuspargid mõnikord mängu "Hit the Coon". Must mees torkaks pea läbi maalitud lõuendi augu, mille taustal oli istandus. Valged patroonid viskasid auhindade võitmiseks palle - ja eriti jõhkratel juhtudel kive - mustanahalisele pähe. 21. sajandil elav inimene, kes näeb seda bännerit või reproduktsiooni, saab aimu, mis tunne oli olla mustanahaline Jim Crow algusaastatel.

See karnevalilipp tugevdas ideed, et mustad ei olnud nii inimesed kui valged. See leevendas valget süütunnet musta valu pärast ja väitis, et mustanahalised ei kogenud valu nii, nagu tavalised inimesed - valged - valu. See aitas seadustada mustade vastu suunatud "õnneliku vägivalla". See toimis valgete hurlerite jaoks ego võimendajana. Kui paljud halvasti tasustatud, sotsiaalselt tõrjutud valged väljendasid oma pettumust "mustade peade" arvelt? Mäng "Hit the Coon" ja selle nõbu "African Dodger" asendati lõpuks sihtmängudega, milles kasutati puidust musti päid. Sümboolse vägivalla mõistmiseks ei pea te olema psühholoog. Mitte juhuslikult olid mängud, kus sihtmärkidena kasutati mustanahalisi, kui tõeliste mustade lintšimine sagenes. Jim Crowi muuseumis on palju esemeid, mis näitavad mustade viskamist, löömist või peksmist. Meil pole karnevalilippu - aga ma võiksin ühega palju õpetada.

Viha on paljudel reisidel vajalik jalg, kuid see ei saa olla sihtpunkt. Minu viha jõudis lugedes haripunkti Turneri päevikud (1978), kirjutanud William L. Pierce, penname Andrew MacDonald. 2 Raamatus kirjeldatakse valgete ülimuslaste "kangelaslikkust", kes kukutavad föderaalvalitsuse, võidavad verise rasssõja ja kehtestavad ühiskonnakorra, kus valged valitsevad. Mustad, teised vähemused ja valged, kes neid toetavad, tapetakse jõhkralt, graafiliselt. See raamat, vaieldamatult kõige rassistlikum raamat, mis toodeti 20. sajandi teisel poolel, on mõjutanud paljusid rassistlikke organisatsioone, sealhulgas Ordu ja Aaria Vabariiklikku Armeed. Timothy McVeigh, kes mõisteti süüdi 1995. aastal Oklahoma City föderaalhoone pommitamises, oli raamatu fänn - ja tema pommitamine sarnanes hirmuäratavalt artiklis Turneri päevikud. Ma tegin vea, lugedes seda - kõik 80 000 sõna - ühe päevaga, samal ajal kui olin väsinud. See tarbis mind.

Pierce, kellel on doktorikraad. füüsikas Colorado ülikoolist, 1960. aastatel natsidega seotud. See seletab, miks ta raamatu kirjutas, aga miks see mind nii palju vihastas? Mul oli ju kelder täis rassistlikke mälestusesemeid. Mind kasvatati eraldatud lõunas. Mäletan rassirahutusi Alabamas Mobile'is Davise avenüül. Olin tuttav paljude viisidega, kuidas võite mind neegriks nimetada ja mulle haiget teha. Pierce'i raamatu ideed, kuigi mürgised, ei olnud minu jaoks uued. Ometi raputas see raamat mind.

Selle aja lähedal viisin kolleegi õpilased Jim Crow muuseumi. Näitasin neile inetust, Mammy, Sambo, Brute, karikatuursed haavandid mustanahalistele ameeriklastele. Näitasin neile. Näitas kõike. Ja me läksime sügavale, sügavamale kui kunagi varem, sügavamale kui ma tahtsin minna. Minu viha näitas. Kolme tunni pärast nad lahkusid, kõik peale kahe-noor mustanahaline naine ja keskealine valge mees. Naine istus halvatud, transfiksis ja uimastatud nelja alasti musta lapse pildi ees. Lapsed istusid jõe kaldal. Pildi allservas olid need sõnad: "Alligator Bait". Ta istus seal ja vaatas seda, püüdes mõista kätt, mis selle tegi, ja meelt, mis selle eostas. Ta ei öelnud sõnagi, aga tema silmad, kulm kortsus, käsi laubal ütlesid: "Miks, armas Jeesus, miks?" Valge mees lõpetas esemete vaatamise ja vaatas mind. Ta nuttis. Mitte nutt, vaid üks pisar. Tema pisarad liigutasid mind. Kõndisin tema poole. Enne kui ma rääkida sain, ütles ta: "Mul on kahju, härra palverändur. Palun andesta mulle."

Ta ei olnud loonud rassistlikke esemeid tuppa, kuid talle oli kasu elanud ühiskonnas, kus mustad olid rõhutud. Rassilisele paranemisele järgneb siiras kahetsus. Ma ei saanud kunagi aru, kui palju mul on vaja kuulda, kuidas mõni valge inimene, iga siiras valge inimene ütleb: "Mul on kahju, anna mulle andeks." Tahtsin ja vajasin vabandust - südamlikku, mis muudab kahte elu. Tema sõnad võtsid mu vihast auru välja. Jim Crow muuseum ei loodud šokeerimiseks, häbistamiseks ega vihaks, vaid selleks, et viia ajaloolise rassilise lõhe sügavam mõistmine. Mõned muuseumi külastajad ütlevad, et ma tundusin nii eraldunud, et ma ei ole, olen püüdnud oma viha ära kasutada ja suunata see produktiivseks tööks.

Enamik inimesi, kes külastavad Jim Crow muuseumi, mõistavad meie missiooni, aktsepteerivad meie meetodeid ja jätkavad teekonda rassisuhete mõistmise ja parandamise suunas. Aga meil on kriitikuid. Seda on oodata. 21. sajand on toonud kaasa hirmu ja soovimatuse vaadata rassismi sügavale ja süstemaatiliselt. Hedonistlik soov vältida valu (või midagi muud ebamugavat) on vastuolus meie meetodiga, kuidas astuda otse vastamisi rassismi inetu pärandiga. Pealegi on paljude ameeriklaste seas kasvav soov minevik unustada ja edasi liikuda. "Kui me lõpetame ajaloolisest rassismist rääkimise, siis rassism kaob." See pole nii lihtne. Me ei pruugi rassist avalikult rääkida, kuid see pole sama, mis selle unustamine. Ameerika on jätkuvalt rassist eraldatud riik. Meie kirikud, templid ja sünagoogid on põhiliselt rassiliselt jagatud. Vanad rassilise segregatsiooni mustrid on naasnud paljudesse riigikoolidesse. Rass on oluline. Rassilised stereotüübid, mida mõnikord karjutakse, mõnikord sosistatakse, on tavalised. Selge rassism on muutunud institutsionaalseks rassismiks, sümboolseks rassismiks ja igapäevaseks rassismiks. Suhtumine ja uskumused rassist annavad teada paljudest meie otsustest, nii suurtest kui väikestest. "Lõpetame sellest rääkimise," palutakse lohutust - see on mustanahalistele ja teistele vähemustele keelatud mugavus. Edasiliikumise viis on seista silmitsi rassismi ajalooliste ja tänapäevaste väljendustega ning seda olukorras, kus kritiseeritakse hoiakuid, väärtusi ja käitumist.

Mitu muuseumi külastajat on küsinud: "Miks teil siin positiivseid esemeid pole?" Minu vastus on lihtne: me oleme tegelikult musta holokausti muuseum. Ma ei mõtle lugupidamatust miljonite juutide ja teiste vastu, kes hukkusid maniakaalse Adolf Hitleri ja tema järgijate käe läbi. Ma kõhklen kasutamast sõna "holokaust" aafriklaste ja nende ameeriklaste järeltulijate kogemuste kirjeldamiseks, sest ma ei taha juutide kannatusi tühistada - ega ka ohvreid võrrelda. Aga millist sõna ma peaksin kasutama? Atlandi-ülese orjareisi ajal hukkus tuhandeid aafriklasi. Paljud elasid jõhkra orjussüsteemi all ja isegi pärast orjuse ametlikku lõpetamist lintšiti tuhandeid mustanahalisi - paljud rituaalselt valgete jõukude poolt. Meil on täna palju väikseid "valgeid linnu", mis loodi mustade "väljatõrjumise" tõttu, tahtmatu rassilise vägivalla ohvrid.

Kui Jim Crowi muuseum kolib suuremasse rajatisse, räägitakse veel kolm "lugu". Esemed ja sildid tutvustavad külastajatele mustanahaliste teadlaste, teadlaste, kunstnike ja leiutajate suurepäraseid saavutusi vaatamata elab Jim Crow all. Samuti lisatakse jaotis "Kodanikuõiguste liikumine". Sealt leiavad külastajad meeleavaldajate pilte koos siltidega, mis ütlevad: "Ka mina olen mees". Külastajad saavad teada kodanikuõiguste töötajatest, kellest paljusid ajalooraamatutest ei leia. Seda lõiku võib käsitleda kui "Jim Crow surma" perioodi, kuigi Jim Crow ajastu mõtlemise jäljed on alles. Lõpuks tekib mõtlemisruum. Ma kujutan ette seinamaali kodanikuõiguste märtritest kõigist rassidest, kes ümbritsevad külastajaid, kui nad esitavad olulise küsimuse: "Mida ma saan täna teha, et võidelda rassismi vastu?" Need on positiivsed osad. Samuti on meil plaanis suurendada fotosid mustadest, kes on "tavalised" inimesed: söövad, kõnnivad, õpivad või lihtsalt elavad. Need plakatisuurused pildid paigutatakse karikatuursete objektide lähedale, nii et külastajad mäletavad, et tuhanded mustanahalist alavääristavad objektid on moonutused, õelad liialdused-need ei ole realistlikud kujutised. Seal on mitu kioskit, kus on lugusid inimestelt, kes elasid Jim Crow all.

Jim Crow sai haavata 1950ndatel ja 1960ndatel. Riigikohtu otsus, Brown v. Topeka haridusnõukogu (1954) pidasid eraldatud koole põhiseadusega vastuolus olevaks. See kiirendas seadusliku segregatsiooni lõppu, kuid ei lõpetanud seda, mida tõendab kodanikuõiguste liikumise vajadus. Valged, eriti virmalised, seisid silmitsi piltidega, kus mustanahalised meeleavaldajad olid politseinike poolt pekstud, politseikoerad ründasid ja arreteeriti, kuna nad püüdsid hääletada, einestada lõunasöögilettidel ja käia "valgetes" koolides. 1964. aasta kodanikuõiguste seadus, mis võeti vastu (ja võib -olla ka selle tõttu) president John F. Kennedy surma järel, oli kindlasti löök Jim Crow'le.

Ükshaaval eraldamisseadused eemaldati 1960. ja 1970. aastatel. Juriidiliste tõkete kõrvaldamine hääletamisel tõi kaasa mustade poliitikute valimise paljudes linnades, sealhulgas endistes segregatsiooni bastionides nagu Birmingham ja Atlanta. Sellest ajast alates võtsid lõunaosas valged kolledžid ja ülikoolid vastu mustanahalisi üliõpilasi ja palkasid mustanahalisi professoreid, ehkki sageli sümboolset numbrit. Affirmative action programs forced employers in both the public and private sectors to hire blacks and other minorities. Some blacks appeared on television shows in non-stereotypical ways. Significant racial problems remained but it seemed that Jim Crow era attitudes and behaviors were destined to die. Many whites destroyed their household items that defamed black people, for example, ashtrays with smiling Sambos, "Jolly Nigger" banks, sheet music with titles like "Coon, Coon, Coon," and children' s books like Little Black Sambo.

Jim Crow attitudes did not die and in many instances, have resurfaced. The end of the 20th century found many whites resentful of the "gains" by blacks. Affirmative Action policies were attacked as reverse discrimination against whites. The slavery-era Coon caricature of blacks as lazy, ne'er-do-wells re-emerged as a depiction of modern welfare recipients. White Americans support welfare for the "deserving poor," but strongly oppose it for persons perceived as lazy and unwilling to work. Black welfare recipients are seen as indolent parasites. The centuries-old fear of blacks, especially young black males, as brutes found new life in contemporary portrayals of blacks as thugs, gangsters, and menaces to society.

Black entertainers who capitalize financially on white America's acceptance of anti-black stereotypes perpetuate many of these images. In popular and material culture, the Mammy portrayal of black women was replaced by the Jezebel image: black women as hypersexual deviants. The racial sensitivity that had been promoted in the 1970s and 1980s was by the end of the century derided as "political correctness."

The new racial climate is marked by ambivalence and contradiction. Most polls about race show a decline in prejudice among whites. There remains a heightened sense that racism is wrong and that tolerating "racial others" is good however, there is a growing acceptance of ideas critical of and belittling toward blacks and other minorities. Many whites are tired of talking about race, believing that America has made enough "concessions" to its black citizens. Some are rebelling against government intrusion, arguing that the government, especially the federal government, does not have the right to force integration. Still others wage personal battles against political correctness. And then there is that segment of the white population that still believes that blacks are less intelligent, less ambitious, less moral, and more given to social pathological behaviors: drug abuse, sexual deviance, and crimes against property and persons. Martin Luther King, Jr., vilified during his life, is hailed as a hero blacks as a whole are viewed with suspicion, sometimes alarm.

In the early 1990s I attended an academic conference in New Orleans. I searched local stores for racist objects. There were not many. Ten years later I returned to New Orleans. I found anti-black objects in many stores. This is disappointing but not surprising. Brutally racist items are readily available through Internet auction houses, most notably eBay. Indeed, practically every item housed in the Jim Crow Museum is being sold on some Internet site. Old racist items are being reproduced and new items are being created. Each year, Halloween USA produces monster masks by exaggerating the features of Africans and African Americans.

In 2003, David Chang created a national uproar with his game, Ghettopoly. Unlike Monopoly, the popular family game, Ghettopoly debases and belittles racial minorities, especially blacks. Ghettopoly has seven game pieces: Pimp, Hoe, 40 oz, Machine Gun, Marijuana Leaf, Basketball, and Crack. One of the game's cards reads, "You got yo whole neighborhood addicted to crack. Collect $50 from each playa." Monopoly has houses and hotels Ghettopoly has crack houses and projects. The distributors advertise Ghettopoly this way: "Buying stolen properties, pimpin hoes, building crack houses and projects, paying protection fees and getting car jacked are some of the elements of the game. Not dope enough? If you don't have the money that you owe to the loan shark you might just land yourself in da Emergency Room." The game's cards depict blacks in physically caricatured ways. Hasbro, the owner of the copyright for Monopoly, has sued David Chang to make him stop distributing Ghettopoly.

David Chang promotes his product as a satirical critique of American racism. He is not alone. AdultDolls.net is the distributor of Trash Talker Dolls, a set of dolls with stereotypical depictions of minorities. Their best seller is Pimp Daddy, a chain-wearing, gaudily dressed, black pimp who says, among other things, "You better make some money, bitch." Charles Knipp, a white man, has gained national notoriety for his minstrel-drag "Ignunce Tour." Knipp, dressed in ragged women's clothes and blackface makeup, adopts the stage persona Shirley Q. Liquor -- a Coon-like black woman with 19 children. This self-proclaimed "Queen of Dixie" has many skits -- each portraying all blacks as buffoons, whores, idlers, and crooks. Knipp's performances are popular in the Deep South however, he has been protested in many northern cities (Boykin, 2002). Shirley Q. Liquor collectibles -- including cassette tapes, drinking glasses, and posters are popular. When satire does not work, it promotes the thing satirized. Ghettopoly, Trash Talker Dolls, and Shirley Q. Liquor skits and products portray blacks as immoral, wretched, ill-bred, cultural parasites. These modern depictions of blacks are reminiscent of the negative caricatures found more than a century ago. The satire does not work but the distributors get paid.

Understanding is the principal thing. The Jim Crow Museum's holdings force visitors to take a stand for or against the equality of all people. See töötab. I have witnessed deep and honest discussions about race and racism. No topics are forbidden. What role have blacks played in perpetuating anti-black caricatures and stereotypes? When, if ever, is folk art racially offensive? Is segregation along racial lines always indicative of racism? We analyze the origins and consequences of racist imagery, but we do not stop there.

I am humbled that the Jim Crow Museum has become a national resource -- and the museum's Web site, an international resource. The Web site was created by Ted Halm, the Ferris State University webmaster. Two dozen Ferris State University faculty have been trained to function as docents -- leading tours and facilitating discussions about the objects. Traveling exhibits are being conceptualized and built to carry the museum's lessons to other universities and colleges. Clayton Rye, a Ferris State University professor and filmmaker, and I created a documentary about the museum. John Thorp served the museum well as its director until his retirement, as does current director Joseph "Andy" Karafa. The museum is a team effort. A vision without help is a cathartic dream.

I see my role as decreasing. I have other goals, other garbage to collect. I have collected several hundred objects that defame and belittle women -- items that both reflected and shaped negative attitudes toward women. One day I will build a room, modeled after the Jim Crow Museum, that uses sexist objects to teach Americans to better understand sexism. That room will be called "The Sarah Baartman Room," named after a 19th century African woman brutally mistreated by her European captors. Her victimization was a "perfect" illustration of the links between racism, sexism and imperialism. There is an African proverb that says that we do not die until we are forgotten. It is my intention that Sarah Baartman never dies.

Martin Luther King, Jr. said, "Injustice anywhere is a threat to justice everywhere." In 2004, Carrie Weis, the Director of the FSU Art Gallery, and I designed and built a traveling exhibit called, "Hateful Things." This exhibit has traveled to many universities and museums teaching about the horrors of Jim Crow segregation. In 2005 we began building, "Them," a traveling exhibit that focuses on material objects that defame non-blacks, including women, Asians, Jews, Mexicans, and poor whites. Again, our goal is to use items of intolerance to teach tolerance.

I will end with a story. One of my daughters plays on an elite soccer team, meaning her practices are never done on time. One day I sat in the van with my other daughter waiting for practice to end. Nearby several white boys were clowning in front of two girls. They were all teenagers. One of the boys wore a blackfaced mask and he mocked the mannerisms of "street blacks." He turned toward us and I immediately looked at my daughter. She had lowered her head and covered her face. If you have a child then you know what I felt. If your skin is dark then you know why I do what I do.

© Dr. David Pilgrim, Professor of Sociology
Ferris State University
Feb., 2005
Edited 2012

1 Kennedy (1990, p. 234). This book, originally published in 1959, is a profound-albeit, often satirical-critique of the racial hierarchy that operated during the Jim Crow period.

2 As founder of the National Alliance, the largest neo-Nazi organization in this country, Pierce used weekly radio addresses, the Internet, white power music ventures, and racist video games to promote his vision of a whites-only homeland and a government free of "non-Aryan influence." Pierce died on July 23, 2002, his followers have vowed to carry on his work.


Christian Pilgrim Bottle - History

El Camino de Santiago, in English “The Way of Saint James,” is the pilgrimage to the Cathedral of Santiago de Compostela in northwestern Spain, where legend has it that the remains of Jesus’s apostle Saint James the Elder lie. The Camino has existed as a Christian pilgrimage for well over 1,000 years, and there is evidence of a pre-Christian route as well. Throughout the medieval period it was one of the three most important Christian pilgrimages undertaken. Indeed, it was only these pilgrimages—to Jerusalem, to Rome, and to Santiago de Compostela—which could result in a plenary indulgence, which frees a person from the penance due for sins.

The First century origins

Christian legend has it that when the Apostles divided the known world into missionary zones, the Iberian peninsula fell to James. Seventh and eighth century documents suggest that he spent a number of years preaching there before returning to Jerusalem, where in the year 44 AD he was beheaded by Herod Agrippa I. After his martyrdom, popular belief relates that his followers carried his body to the coast and put it into a stone boat, which was guided by angels and carried by the wind beyond the Pillars of Hercules (the Strait of Gibraltar) to land near Finisterre, at Padrón, in northern Spain. The local Queen, Lupa, provided the team of oxen used to draw the body from Padrón to the site of a marble tomb which she had also provided. Saint James was believed to have been buried there with two of his disciples. And there the body lay, forgotten until the 9th century.

The discovery of James's burial site

Early in that century, Pelagius, a hermit living in that part of Galicia, had a vision in which he saw a star or a field of stars that led him to what proved to be an ancient tomb containing three bodies. He immediately reported this to the local bishop, Theodomir, who declared the remains to be those of Santiago and two of his followers and who in turn reported the find to the King of Asturias, Alphonso II, who forthwith declared Santiago to be the patron saint of Spain, or of what would eventually be Spain. That would come later. A small village named Campus de Ia Stella (Field of Stars) and a monastery were established on the site. (Or possibly the Roman word for cemetery, "componere": to bury, is the source.) In any event, news of the discovery spread like wildfire and a trickle of pilgrims began to arrive. Miracles came to be attributed to the site, and the miracles encouraged pilgrimage and pilgrimage elicited more miracles. This was all greatly encouraged by the powerful Archbishop Gelmirez of Galicia and the cathedral authorities, who were anxious to promote Santiago as a pilgrimage destination, as well as by the monks of the Abbey of Cluny in France who were anxious to support the Spanish Church in its struggle against the Moors on the Peninsula. And thus began the millennium-long relationship between the holy and the commercial.

The Middle Ages

Pilgrimage to Santiago de Compostela reached its peak during the Middle Ages and it is safe to say that it constituted a major cultural aspect of that period of history in Europe. By the 12th century, the Camino had become a rather organized affair and what is widely regarded as the world's first travel guide, the Codex Calixtinus from around 1140, provided the would-be pilgrim with the rudiments of what he or she would need to know while en route. Book V, the famous "Liber Peregrinationis" ("Guide of the Medieval Pilgrim") would have provided practical information, while Book II, the "Book of Miracles", would surely have provided encouragement while underway. In addition, a massive infrastructure developed to support pilgrimage and, not coincidentally, to gain commercially from it. Bridges were constructed across rivers to draw pilgrims to certain cities and they prospered. Pilgrim hospices were chartered by religious orders, kings and queens and they gained favor in heaven. All manner of commercial businesses were established to both take advantage of and to support pilgrims. Cultures mixed, languages merged and history was affected.

The Camino's decline…

After its peak during the Middle Ages, the phenomenon of pilgrimage to Santiago tapered off and several possible causes or contributing factors have been cited. At the end of the 16th century Spain engaged in wars with both England and France and these affairs effectively cut off access to Spain from elsewhere in Europe. The Reformation initiated by Martin Luther around 1520, certainly would have had an effect, being deeply critical as he was of the practice of indulgences, a concept thoroughly intertwined with the pilgrimage to Santiago. Two centuries later, the Age of Enlightenment certainly did not encourage its rejuvenation. But throughout all of this, the pilgrimage to Santiago never quite died out. One small piece of evidence to its continuation comes from the journals of John Adams who, while making a land crossing from the Galician coast to Paris in December 1779, wrote that he "…always regretted that We could not find time to make a Pilgrimage to Saint Iago de Compostella."

…and resurgence

Some aspects of the modern Camino are fundamentally the same as they were for the medieval peregrino: as a practical affair, the Camino is a long walk. While underway, the pilgrim needs support for food, lodging and direction. An infrastructure of hospices arose in the Middle Ages and this infrastructure still exists - and in fact, it is growing rapidly. There are still a number of facilities run by religious orders, but much more common today are albergues or refugios.

Keskaeg peregrino surely almost always was undertaking the arduous journey for serious religious reasons. Where the medieval pilgrim was seeking forgiveness for sins or for the Saint's assistance in some matter, the modern pilgrim's reasons for walking surely span the range from the religious through spiritual and psychological to historical and cultural to sport.

Probably the most obvious and serious difference between the medieval and the modern peregrino is that pilgrimage for the former began on his or her doorstep, wherever that might have been, and upon reaching Santiago, the pilgrimage was half over. Related to this is that the modern peregrino can elect to start the pilgrimage in any arbitrary location with the single restriction that to obtain the Compostela, the last, westernmost 100 km for walkers or 200 km for cyclists must be documented. More information about the credential can be found on the Request a Credential page.

The scallop shell

As with many myths, the details change depending on who is telling the story.

To repeat part of the story above, after Jesus' crucifixion, James went to the Iberian Peninsula to preach. Eventually he returned to Judea and was beheaded by Herod Agrippa I. After his death, his body was mysteriously transported by a ship with no crew back to the Iberian Peninsula to the Northwestern province of Galicia. (We'll use the more mythological version of the story.) A wedding was taking place along the shore as James’ ship approached. The bridegroom was on horseback, and on seeing this mysterious ship approaching, the horse spooked, and horse and rider plunged into the sea. Through miraculous intervention, the horse then emerged from the waves with horse and rider both covered with cockleshells. Another version substitutes a knight for the bridegroom, but whichever, Santiago had performed his first miracle. On the other hand the symbol may have come into being simply because pilgrims while in Santiago de Compostela had ready access to a plethora of sea shells, Santiago being relatively close to the Atlantic coast, and enough pilgrims returned home with them as souvenirs that the sea shell eventually became the symbol of the pilgrimage. But whichever story you buy into it is fact that to this day, the scallop shell, typically found on the shores in Galicia, remains the symbol of Saint James and of the Camino.


A royal champion

King Henry III made his first of many pilgrimages to Walsingham around 1226. He was a great supporter of The Virgin Mary and the Holy House at Walsingham became one of the centres of his devotion. He generously gave the Canons his royal patronage.

Following his example nearly all the Kings and Queens of England, up to and including King Henry VIII and Queen Katherine of Aragon, came on pilgrimage to the Holy House, until the Dissolution of the Priory in 1538.

By the 14th and 15th centuries Walsingham and Canterbury were the two premier places of pilgrimage in England, with Walsingham slightly the more important of the two, as this was a shrine to Our Lady whereas Canterbury was a shrine to St. Thomas Becket.


Spiritual experience

Despite the mandate in the Bible for pilgrimage, such journeys had limited value in the earliest centuries of Christianity. For many Christians during this time, physical places like Jerusalem were more valuable as spiritual concepts than actual destinations for pilgrims.

Karen Armstrong, author of many books on religion and history, observes that Origen, a third century A.D. Christian scholar, visited Jerusalem and its environs in order to understand where certain events in the Bible occurred.

Such a visit, however, was not a pilgrimage, and, according to Armstrong, Origen “certainly did not expect to get a spiritual experience by visiting a mere geographical location, however august its associations.”

The importance of pilgrimage changed and occupied a more central place in Christianity beginning in the fourth century A.D. when the Roman emperor Constantine converted to Christianity.

His mother Helena visited Jerusalem and Israel, following the footsteps of the life, trial and death of Jesus.

It was a general belief in the ancient world that anywhere God or a divine emissary made themselves visible to humans could become a holy space. Materials from such divine visitation could become holy relics around which stories of miracles and shrines, objects of pilgrimage destinations, could be constructed.

Martin of Tours, a prominent figure in Christian monasticism in the sixth century A.D., saw a destitute man and, remembering Jesus’ words in the Gospel of Matthew that caring for the poor is like caring for God, Martin gave the poor man his cloak.

The destitute man revealed himself to be Jesus himself, and portions of that “little cloak,” or capella in Latin, were housed in small churches. The origins of the word “chapel” was derived from capella – spaces that, at least in some cases, would become destinations for pilgrimages.


Pilgrimages Around the World

A pilgrimage is a term primarily used in religion and spirituality of a long journey or search of great moral significance. Sometimes, it is a journey to a sacred place or shrine of importance to a person’s beliefs and faith. Members of every religion participate in pilgrimages. A person who makes such a journey is called a pilgrim.

I remember my Gran, when I was a kid, going every year or two on a pilgrimage to Lourdes. She would get the bus from Glasgow in Scotland and it would take three days to reach Lourdes. They would spend two days there and another three days on the bus home. I really didn’t get it – until I walked the Camino de Santiago, now I do.

Secular and civic pilgrimages are also practiced, without regard for religion but rather of importance to a particular society. For example, many people throughout the world travel to the City of Washington in the United States for a pilgrimage to see the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution of the United States. British people often make pilgrimages to London for public appearances of the monarch of the United Kingdom.

Pilgrimages were first made to sites connected with the life, birth, and crucifixion of Jesus. Surviving descriptions of Christian pilgrimages to the Holy Land date from the 4th century, when pilgrimage was encouraged by church fathers like Saint Jerome. Pilgrimages also began to be made to Rome and other sites associated with the Apostles, Saints, and Christian martyrs, like Santiago de Compostela, as well as to places where there have been alleged apparitions of the Virgin Mary.

The second largest single pilgrimage in the history of Christendom was to the Funeral of Pope John Paul II after his death on April 2, 2005. An estimated four million people traveled to Vatican City, in addition to the almost three million people already living in Rome, to see the body of Pope John Paul II lying in state.

World Youth Day is a major Catholic Pilgrimage, specifically for people aged 16-35. It is held internationally every 2-3 years. In 2005, young Roman Catholics visited Cologne, Germany. In 1995, the largest gathering of all time was to World Youth Day in Manila, Philippines, where four million people from all over the world attended.


Christian Pilgrim Bottle - History

Are you looking for the perfect Thanksgiving story for your class or church bulletin? How about a play about Squanto, the native American who helped the Pilgrims survive the first winter? Or pilgrim and thanksgiving art and paintings. You've come to the right place.

Inspiring Pilgrim Short Stories

/> "How the Pilgrims Got their Name," traces the history of the early Separatists from England to Leiden, and then to the New World, and the origin of the word "Pilgrim" from William Bradford's journal.

"Bitter Winter, Better Thanksgiving," , the story of Miles Standish, "Mayflower" leader who worshipped in spite of losing his wife.

"Squanto -- God's Special Indian," tells the story of how Squanto was providentially enabled to help the Pilgrims--and to find Christianity.

"Squanto's Thanksgiving," a 15-minute, one act children's play that tells the story of Squanto's assistance to the Pilgrims.

"Indian Aid and a Blessed Thanksgiving," The Joyful Heart , November 18, 2000. Discusses the role that native Americans Samoset, Massasoit, and Squanto had in the first Thanksgiving celebration.

"Pilgrim Daughter," Evangel , November 21, 1993, pp. 4-5. Also in The Gem , November 22, 1992, p. 4-6 Message of the Open Bible, November 1993, p. 18. A personal story which focuses on the hardships and faith of the early Pilgrims.

Uplifting Thanksgiving Articles

"Cranberry Sauce and Pumpkin Pie," . The Gem , November 21, 1993, pp. 2-3. On actually thanking God on Thanksgiving day.

"Pray . with Thanksgiving," The Joyful Heart , November 24, 2002. Thanksgiving is the seasoning that makes our prayers edible to God. Now available as a 2-minute video to spice up a sermon.

"Who'll Say Grace?" , a reminder to pray before our meals, especially on Thanksgiving Day.

"You Pays Your Money, " , things to be thankful about in a take-it-for-granted society.

"The Story of the Sterile Food Tree," The Joyful Heart, November 21, 2001. A parable of Thanksgiving in the midst of adversity and change.

"Don't Ask the Blessing, Offer One," Joyful Heart , November 15, 1999. Explains that prayer before meals is to offer thanksgiving to God, not bless the food.

"Overflowing with Thankfulness," A Thanksgiving meditation on Colossians 2:6-7.

"A Leper's Thanksgiving," The Joyful Heart , Issue 3, November 23, 1996. The story of the ten lepers who were cleansed by Jesus from Luke 17:11-19.

"Cranberry Sauce and Pumpkin Pie," . The Gem , November 21, 1993, pp. 2-3. On actually thanking God on Thanksgiving day.

Other Thanksgiving Resources

Copyright © 2021, Ralph F. Wilson. <pastorjoyfulheart.com> All rights reserved. A single copy of this article is free. Do not put this on a website. See legal, copyright, and reprint information.

You can purchase one of Dr. Wilson's complete Bible studies in PDF, Kindle, or paperback format.


Who are the Plymouth Brethren, and what do they believe?

The various churches of the Plymouth Brethren movement are independent, conservative, and evangelical. While it is difficult to come up with solid numbers, it is estimated that there are about one million people who identify themselves as Brethren. Some prefer to just be known as Christians, to avoid any connotation of denominationalism.

The Brethren movement was the result of concern over the prevailing condition of the existing church. In the winter of 1827&mdash28, four men&mdashJohn Nelson Darby, Edward Cronin, John Bellett, and Francis Hutchinson&mdashgathered to pray and read Scripture. The first meeting was held in Dublin, Ireland, and other meetings followed. Soon there were assemblies gathering in several locations. The most well-known group was in Plymouth, and the name “Plymouth Brethren” has since become a default name.

Brethren churches vary somewhat in their practices and beliefs due to their independent nature, but there are a number of things that would characterize most of them. The recognition of all believers as part of the body of Christ and the priesthood of all believers are key starting points. Other important distinctives are the plurality of overseers and the absence of clergy/laity distinctions in the body. Though Brethren churches do not hire salaried pastors, they do recognize that certain men have been gifted for leadership ministry within the church. Brethren churches typically partake of the Lord’s Supper weekly. Most Brethren churches are also pre-tribulational and dispensational.

There have been a number of Brethren who have attained distinction in their Christian service. Among these are F. F. Bruce, Jim Elliot, H. A. Ironside, George Muller, W. E. Vine, and William MacDonald. Publishers associated with the Brethren movement include Loizeaux Brothers and Bible Truth Publishers. Emmaus Bible College in Dubuque, Iowa, and Kawartha Lakes Bible College in Ontario are two examples of Brethren schools.


Introduction to Literature

We need to approach any piece of writing with the right expectations, based on the kind of writing that it is. The expectations that we should bring to any work of literature are the following.

The subject of literature. The subject of literature is human experience, rendered as concretely as possible. Literature should thus be contrasted to expository writing of the type we use to conduct the ordinary business of life. Literature does not aim to impart facts and information. It exists to make us share a series of experiences. Literature appeals to our image-making and image-perceiving capacity. A famous novelist said that his purpose was to make his readers vaata, by which he meant to see life.

The universality of literature. To take that one step further, the subject of literature is universaalne human experience—what is true for all people at all times in all places. This does not contradict the fact that literature is first of all filled with concrete particulars. The particulars of literature are a net whereby the author captures and expresses the universal. History and the daily news tell us what happened literature tells us what happens. The task that this imposes on us is to recognize and name the familiar experiences that we vicariously live as we read a work of literature. The truth that literature imparts is truthfulness to life—knowledge in the form of seeing things accurately. As readers we not only look kl the world of the text but läbi it to everyday life.

An interpretation of life. In addition to portraying human experiences, authors give us their interpretation of those experiences. There is a persuasive aspect to literature, as authors attempt to get us to share their views of life. These interpretations of life can be phrased as ideas or themes. An important part of assimilating imaginative literature is thus determining and evaluating an author’s angle of vision and belief system.

The importance of literary form. A further aspect of literature arises from the fact that authors are artists. They write in distinctly literary genres such as narrative and poetry. Additionally, literary authors want us to share their love of technique and beauty, all the way from skill with words to an ability to structure a work carefully and artistically.

Kokkuvõte. A work of imaginative literature aims to make us see life accurately, to get us to think about important ideas, and to enjoy an artistic performance.

This book belongs to a series of guides to the literary classics of Western literature. We live at a time when the concept of a literary classic is often misunderstood and when the classics themselves are often undervalued or even attacked. The very concept of a classic will rise in our estimation if we simply understand what it is.

What is a classic? To begin, the term klassikaline implies the best in its class. The first hurdle that a classic needs to pass is excellence. Excellent according to whom? This brings us to a second part of our definition: classics have stood the test of time through the centuries. The human race itself determines what works rise to the status of classics. That needs to be qualified slightly: the classics are especially known and valued by people who have received a formal education, alerting us that the classics form an important part of the education that takes place within a culture.

This leads us to yet another aspect of classics: classics are known to us not only in themselves but also in terms of their interpretation and reinterpretation through the ages. We know a classic partly in terms of the attitudes and interpretations that have become attached to it through the centuries.

Why read the classics? The first good reason to read the classics is that they represent the best. The fact that they are difficult to read is a mark in their favor within certain limits, of course, works of literature that demand a lot from us will always yield more than works that demand little of us. If we have a taste for what is excellent, we will automatically want some contact with classics. They offer more enjoyment, more understanding about human experience, and more richness of ideas and thought than lesser works (which we can also legitimately read). We finish reading or rereading a classic with a sense of having risen higher than we would otherwise have risen.

Additionally, to know the classics is to know the past, and with that knowledge comes a type of power and mastery. If we know the past, we are in some measure protected from the limitations that come when all we know is the contemporary. Finally, to know the classics is to be an educated person. Not to know them is, intellectually and culturally speaking, like walking around without an arm or leg.

Kokkuvõte. Here are four definitions of a literary classic from literary experts each one provides an angle on why the classics matter. (1) The best that has been thought and said (Matthew Arnold). (2) “A literary classic ranks with the best of its kind that have been produced” (Harper Handbook to Literature). (3) A classic “lays its images permanently on the mind [and] is entirely irreplaceable in the sense that no other book whatever comes anywhere near reminding you of it or being even a momentary substitute for it” (C. S. Lewis). (4) Classics are works to which “we return time and again in our minds, even if we do not reread them frequently, as touchstones by which we interpret the world around us” (Nina Baym).

Palveränduri edusammud, like the other classics discussed in this series, is a narrative or story. To read it with enjoyment and understanding, we need to know how stories work and why people write and read them.

Why do people tell and read stories? To tell a story is to (a) entertain and (b) make a statement. As for the entertainment value of stories, it is a fact that one of the most universal human impulses can be summed up in the four words tell me a story. The appeal of stories is universal, and all of us are incessant storytellers during the course of a typical day. Nagu making a statement, a novelist hit the nail on the head when he said that in order for storytellers to tell a story they must have some picture of the world and of what is right and wrong in that world.

The things that make up a story. All stories are comprised of three things that claim our attention—setting, character, and plot. A good story is a balance among these three. In one sense, storytellers tell us umbes these things, but in another sense, as fiction writer Flannery O’Connor put it, storytellers don’t speak umbes plot, setting, and character but koos neid. About what does the storyteller tell us by means of these things? About life, human experience, and the ideas that the storyteller believes to be true.

World making as part of storytelling. To read a story is to enter a whole world of the imagination. Storytellers construct their narrative world carefully. World making is a central part of the storyteller’s enterprise. On the one hand, this is part of what makes stories entertaining. We love to be transported from mundane reality to faraway places with strange-sounding names. But storytellers also intend their imagined worlds as accurate pictures of reality. In other words, it is an important part of the truth claims that they intend to make. Accordingly, we need to pay attention to the details of the world that a storyteller creates, viewing that world as a picture of what the author believes to exist.

The need to be discerning. The first demand that a story makes on us is surrender—surrender to the delights of being transported, of encountering experiences, characters, and settings, of considering the truth claims that an author makes by means of his or her story. But we must not be morally and intellectually passive in the face of what an author puts before us. We need to be true to our own convictions as we weigh the morality and truth claims of a story. A story’s greatness does not guarantee that it tells the truth in every way.

Christian Guides to the Classics: Bunyan’s The Pilgrim’s Progress © 2018 by Leland Ryken. Kõik õigused kaitstud. Used by permission of the author.


What is Beulah Land?

Termin Beulah, in reference to a place, is found in Isaiah 62:4 in the King James Version, as well as NKJV and the NIV. Beulah is simply a transliteration of the Hebrew word. The ESV and NAS translate the term as “married.”

The context of Isaiah 62:4 speaks of the time when Israel will return from the exile and once again return to the Lord. The verse applies to the land of Israel and, by extension, the people of Israel: “No longer will they call you Deserted, or name your land Desolate. But you will be called Hephzibah, and your land Beulah for the Lord will take delight in you, and your land will be married.”

The ESV makes it a little clearer: “You shall no more be termed Forsaken, and your land shall no more be termed Desolate, but you shall be called My Delight Is in Her, and your land Married for the Lord delights in you, and your land shall be married.”

This verse does not say that Israel will ever be officially called “Beulah” or “Beulah Land” but that Israel will once again be attended to by the Lord as a husband would attend to his beloved bride. The point is in the meaning of the word. Rather than be considered forsaken by the Lord, God’s people will be restored to a close, loving relationship with Him, and all they need will be provided.

Beulah Land is used to good effect in the Christian classic The Pilgrim’s Progress by John Bunyan: “Now I saw in my dream, that by this time the pilgrims were got over the Enchanted Ground, and entering into the country of Beulah, whose air was very sweet and pleasant (Isaiah 62:4&ndash12 Song 2:10&ndash12), the way lying directly through it, they solaced themselves there for a season. Yea, here they heard continually the singing of birds, and saw every day the flowers appear in the earth, and heard the voice of the turtle in the land. In this country the sun shineth night and day: wherefore this was beyond the Valley of the Shadow of Death, and also out of the reach of Giant Despair neither could they from this place so much as see Doubting Castle. Here they were within sight of the city they were going to also here met them some of the inhabitants thereof for in this land the shining ones commonly walked, because it was upon the borders of heaven. In this land also the contract between the Bride and the Bridegroom was renewed yea, here, ‘as the bridegroom rejoiceth over the bride, so doth God rejoice over them.’ Here they had no want of corn and wine for in this place they met with abundance of what they had sought for in all their pilgrimage. Here they heard voices from out of the city, loud voices, saying, ‘Say ye to the daughter of Zion, Behold, thy salvation cometh! Behold, his reward is with him!’ Here all the inhabitants of the country called them ‘the holy People, the redeemed of the Lord, sought out,’ etc.”

In Bunyan’s allegory, Beulah Land is the land just before heaven, for “here they were within sight of the city they were going to.” Bunyan correctly picks up on the theme of marriage from Isaiah 62:4, writing, “In this land also the contract between the Bride and the Bridegroom was renewed yea, here, ‘as the bridegroom rejoiceth over the bride, so doth God rejoice over them.’” In the allegory, although Christian and Hopeful have not yet entered the Celestial City, they have escaped the snares and temptations of the world, and all their needs are met.

Two popular songs have picked up on the term Beulah Land. The first, “Beulah Land” by Edgar Page Stiles (1836&ndash1921), is found in many older hymnbooks:

“I’ve reached the land of corn and wine,
And all its riches freely mine
Here shines undimmed one blissful day,
For all my night has passed away.

Chorus:
“O Beulah Land, sweet Beulah Land,
As on thy highest mount I stand,
I look away across the sea,
Where mansions are prepared for me,
And view the shining glory shore,
My Heav’n, my home forevermore!

“My Savior comes and walks with me,
And sweet communion here have we
He gently leads me by His hand,
For this is Heaven’s borderland.

“A sweet perfume upon the breeze
Is borne from ever-vernal trees
And flow’rs that never fading grow
Where streams of life forever flow.

“The zephyrs seem to float to me,
Sweet sounds of Heaven’s melody,
As angels with the white-robed throng
Join in the sweet redemption song.”

In this hymn, several themes from The Pilgrim’s Progress are developed. The song talks about the Christian life today as one that borders heaven and from where one can almost see heaven. It speaks of a place of victory and fellowship with God, which is something of the idea found in Isaiah 42:6 and in Bunyan’s work.

A second song that has become popular is “Sweet Beulah Land” by Squire Parsons (1948&ndash ), often performed by gospel music groups:

“I’m kind of homesick for a country
To which I’ve never been before.
No sad goodbyes will there be spoken
For time won’t matter anymore.

Chorus:
“Beulah Land, I’m longing for you,
And some day on thee I’ll stand.
There my home shall be eternal.
Beulah Land, sweet Beulah Land!

“I’m looking now, just across the river
Where my faith shall end in sight.
There’s just a few more days to labor.
Then I will take my heavenly flight.”

In this song, Beulah Land has become another name for heaven and doesn’t develop any themes from Bunyan or Isaiah. However, this understanding is quite common among Christians. Much Christian symbolism interprets Israel, the Promised Land, Zion, etc., as heaven itself. “Crossing the Jordan” has become a symbol for death, which ushers one into the “Promised Land” of heaven.

In summary, in Isaiah 62:4, Israel is called “Beulah,” which means “married,” because God will once again delight in her as His bride, whereas before, during the exile she had been rejected. In Bunyan’s The Pilgrim’s Progress, Beulah Land is a place of peace near the end of the Christian life on the border of the Celestial City. The song “Beulah Land” picks up themes from Bunyan but depicts Beulah Land as the joyful, fulfilled Christian life that gives a taste of what is to come. And, finally, “Sweet Beulah Land” simply applies all of the imagery to heaven itself, which, although biblically incorrect, reflects a popular understanding of what Beulah Land is.


Vaata videot: El Progreso del Peregrino Pelicula Cristiana completa (Mai 2022).