Ajalugu Podcastid

Suured arheoloogid

Suured arheoloogid


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Suured arheoloogid, toimetanud dr Brian Fagan - Santa Barbara California ülikooli antropoloogia emeriitprofessor - tutvustab lugejale 59 viimase nelja sajandi kõige uuenduslikumat, provokatiivsemat ja alahinnatud arheoloogi. See pealkiri on ainulaadne mitte ainult oma ulatuse, vaid ka erinevate isikliku varanduse ja ainulaadse panuse valdkonnas.

Jagatud kuueks temaatiliseks osaks - inimkonna antiikaeg, iidsete tsivilisatsioonide avastajad, kaevamiskunst, muistsete kirjade dešifreerijad, maailma eelajaloo avastamine ja minevikule mõtlemine, - Suured arheoloogid on ülemaailmne, pöörates suurt tähelepanu Ida -Aasia, Ladina -Ameerika, Aafrika, Lähis -Ida, Euroopa ja Okeaania spetsialistidele. Siiski tuleb Faganit kiita selle eest, et ta on kogunud väljapaistvate rahvusvaheliste arheoloogide meeskonna kirjutama nii läbimõeldult kui ka hoolikalt.

Suured arheoloogid sisaldab paljastavaid pilke nende arheoloogide ellu ning elulooline jutustus on põimitud originaalfotode, esemete kujutiste, diagrammide ja visanditega. (Kokku on 201 illustratsiooni, millest 188 on värvilised.) Erilist tähelepanu pööratakse naissoost pioneeridele - peatükid Gertrude Belli ja Tatiana Proskouriakoffi kohta on suurepärased - ja rohkem vastuolulisi tegelasi nagu Heinrich Schliemann. Ülimalt premeeritakse ka neid, kes on huvitatud eelajaloolisest, Mesoamerika või Andide arheoloogiast.

Väljaande muude funktsioonide hulka kuuluvad sissejuhatus, kaardid tekstis sisalduvatest peamistest asukohtadest, iga kaastöötaja eluloolised kokkuvõtted, loend edasiseks lugemiseks koos pealkirjadega inglise, prantsuse, saksa, hispaania, mandariini keeles, illustratsioonide allikad ja indeks.

Meie sait soovitab Suured arheoloogid kõigile, kes on huvitatud arheoloogiast, antropoloogiast ja nende kahe valdkonna ajaloost. See köide on avaldatud inglise keeles Ameerika Ühendriikides Thames & Hudsoni kaudu ja on praegu saadaval


Arheoloogia ajalugu

Arheoloogia on mineviku inimtegevuse uurimine, peamiselt nende jäetud materiaalse kultuuri ja keskkonnaandmete taastamise ja analüüsi kaudu, mis hõlmab esemeid, arhitektuuri, biofakte (tuntud ka kui ökofaktid) ja kultuurmaastikke ( arheoloogilised andmed).

Arheoloogia valdkonna arengu juured on ajaloos ja nendega, kes olid huvitatud minevikust, näiteks kuningad ja kuningannad, kes soovisid näidata oma rahvuste mineviku hiilgust. 5. sajandi eKr kreeka ajaloolane Herodotos oli esimene teadlane, kes süstemaatiliselt uuris minevikku, ja võib-olla esimene, kes uuris esemeid. Hiina keiserliku Lauluimpeeriumis (960–1279) avastasid Hiina teadlased-ametnikud iidseid esemeid, uurisid ja kataloogisid neid. 15. ja 16. sajandil arenesid renessansiaegses Euroopas antikvaarid, kes olid huvitatud esemete kogumisest. Antiikliikumine nihkus natsionalismi, kui isiklikest kogudest said rahvusmuuseumid. See kujunes 19. sajandi lõpus palju süstemaatilisemaks distsipliiniks ja sai 20. sajandil laialdaselt kasutatavaks ajaloo- ja antropoloogilise uurimise vahendiks. Selle aja jooksul tehti ka olulisi edusamme valdkonnas kasutatava tehnoloogia osas.

OED tsiteerib esmalt "arheoloogi" aastast 1824, mis sai peagi tavapäraseks terminiks ühele suurele antikvaarse tegevuse harule. Alates 1607. aastast tähendas "arheoloogia" algselt seda, mida me nimetame üldiselt "muinasajalooks", kitsamat tänapäevast mõistet nähti esmakordselt 1837. aastal.


Sügaval soodes leiavad arheoloogid, kuidas põgenenud orjad oma vabadust hoidsid

Mida hullemaks läheb, kui ma suurest hävingust soost läbi tuhnin ja komistan, seda paremini saan aru selle ajaloost kui varjupaigast. Iga rebenev okas ja imemine mudaauk teeb asja selgemaks. Just soo tihe, sassis vaenulikkus ja selle tohutu suurus võimaldas sadadel ja võib -olla tuhandetel põgenenud orjadel siin vabaduses elada.

Sellest loost

Kõle koht trotslikule rahvale

Me ei tea neist palju, kuid tänu arheoloogile, kes häkkis läbi minu ees oleva soo, teame, et nad olid siin väljas, elasid varjatud kogukondades ja ei kasutanud peaaegu midagi välismaailmast kuni 19. sajandini. Dismal Swamp hõlmas suuri kagu -Virginia ja Põhja -Carolina kirdeosa ning selle taimestik oli hobustele või kanuudele liiga paks. 1600. aastate alguses asusid siia pelgupaika kolooniapiirilt põgenevad põliselanikud, kellega ühinesid peagi põgenenud orjad ja ilmselt mõned valged, kes põgenesid võltsitud orjusest või peitsid end seaduse eest. Umbes aastast 1680 kuni kodusõjani näib, et sookogukondades domineerisid aafriklased ja afroameeriklased.

Reie sügavas mudases vees, seljas Levis ja matkasaapad, mitte minusugused veekindlad kahlajad, peatub Dan Sayers sigareti süütamiseks. Ta on ajalooline arheoloog ja Washingtoni Ameerika Ülikooli antropoloogiaosakonna juhataja, kuid näeb välja rohkem kui ebaseaduslik kantrilaulja. Pikakarvaline ja habemega, 43-aastane, kannab ta tavaliselt pekstud õlgedest kauboi mütsi ja Waylon Jennings-stiilis päikeseprille. Sayers on marksist ja vegan, kes suitsetab peaaegu kaks pakki päevas ja hoiab end Monster Energy jookide eest, kuni on aeg õlut purustada.

“Ma olin nii loll perse, ” ütleb ta. “Otsin mägesid, künkaid, kõrget maad, sest see oli see, mida ma dokumentidest lugesin: ‘ Põgenenud orjad, kes elavad mägedel. ’ Ma polnud kunagi varem rabas oma jalga seadnud. Ma raiskasin nii palju aega. Lõpuks küsis keegi minult, kas ma olen Põhja -Carolina saartel käinud. Saared! See oli sõna, millest ma puudusin. ”

Suurt hävitavat sood, mida on nüüd kuivendamise ja arendamise tõttu vähendatud, hallatakse föderaalse metsloomade varjupaigana. Kunagised kurikuulsad panterid on kadunud, kuid karusid, linde, hirvi ja kahepaiksed on endiselt rikkalikud. Nii ka mürgised maod ja hammustavad putukad. Suve kohutavas kuumuses ja niiskuses kinnitab mulle Sayers, et soo teravdab koos veemokassiinide ja lõgismadudega. Sääsed lähevad nii paksuks, et võivad hägustada 12 meetri kaugusel seisva inimese piirjooni.

2004. aasta alguses ründas üks varjupaigabioloog oma kahlajaid ja tõi Sayersi sinna, kuhu me läheme, 20 aakri suurusele saarele, mida aeg-ajalt jahimehed külastavad, kuid ajaloolastele ja arheoloogidele täiesti tundmatu. Enne Sayersit polnud soo sisemuses arheoloogiat tehtud, peamiselt seetõttu, et tingimused olid nii keerulised. Üks uurimisrühm eksis nii palju kordi, et loobus.

Kui olete rüganud läbi imemisvoo, vee all olevad juured ja oksad haaravad pahkluude juurest, tundub kuiv kindel maapind peaaegu imeline. Astume suure, tasase, päikesepaistelise saare kaldale, mis on kaetud langenud lehtedega. Selle keskpunkti poole kõndides kaob võsa ja me siseneme pargitaolisele lagendikule, mida varjutavad mõned lehtpuud ja männid.

“Ma ei unusta kunagi seda kohta esimest korda nägemast, ” meenutab Sayers. “See oli üks mu elu suurimaid hetki. Ma ei unistanud kunagi 20 aakri suuruse saare leidmisest ja teadsin kohe, et see on elamisväärne. Tõepoolest, sa ei saa sellel saarel kopat maasse pista ilma midagi leidmata. ”

Ta on nimetanud oma kaevamispiirkonnad grotiks, harjaks, Põhja -platooks ja nii edasi, kuid võitis saare ise. Tema akadeemilistes töödes ja 2014. aasta raamatus  Kõle koht trotslikule rahvale, Sayers viitab sellele kui saidile “. ” “Ma ei taha sellele vale nime panna, ” selgitab ta. “I ’m lootes teada saada, mida siin elanud inimesed seda paika nimetasid. ta tunneb nende vastu sügavat imetlust ja see tuleneb osaliselt tema marksismist.

Need inimesed kritiseerisid jõhkra kapitalistliku orjastamissüsteemi ja lükkasid selle täielikult tagasi. Nad riskisid kõigega, et elada õiglasemalt ja õiglasemalt, ning olid edukad kümme põlvkonda. Üks neist, mees nimega Charlie, küsitleti hiljem Kanadas. Ta ütles, et siin on kogu töö ühiskondlik. Nii oleks see olnud Aafrika külas. ”

Arheoloog Dan Sayers on rohkem kui kümne aasta pikkuste väljakaevamiste käigus sügaval soos asuvalt saarelt leidnud 3604 esemeid. (Allison Shelley)

Kõikjal, kus maailmas aafriklasi orjastati, leidus põgenikke, kes põgenesid jäädavalt ja elasid vabades iseseisvates asulates. Neid inimesi ja nende järeltulijaid tuntakse kui “maroons. ” Mõiste pärineb tõenäoliselt hispaania keelest  cimarr ón, mis tähendab metsistunud kariloomi, põgenenud orja või midagi metsikut ja trotslikku.

Marronage, orjusest vabanemise protsess, toimus kogu Ladina -Ameerikas ja Kariibi mere piirkonnas, India ookeani orjasaartel, Angolas ja mujal Aafrikas. Kuid kuni viimase ajani on enamik ajaloolasi tagasi lükanud idee, et maroonid eksisteerivad ka Põhja -Ameerikas.

“Aastal 2004, kui hakkasin rääkima suurtest, püsivatest kastanpruunidest asulatest Suures Dismali soos, arvas enamik teadlasi, et olen hull, ” ütleb Sayers. Nad mõtlesid põgenikega, kes võivad kveekerite ja abolitsionistide abiga mõnda aega metsas või soodes peitu jääda, kuni nad vahele jäävad, või kes võivad maa -alusel raudteel vabadusse pääseda. ”

Vähendades ameeriklaste meeleheiteid ja hinnates valgete kaasamist maa -aluses raudtees, on ajaloolased näidanud Sayersi arvates rassilist eelarvamust, tõrksust tunnistada musta vastupanu ja algatusvõime tugevust. Nad paljastasid ka oma meetodite puudused: “Ajaloolased piirduvad algdokumentidega. Kui rääkida maroonidest, pole seda paberil nii palju. Kuid see ei tähenda, et nende lugu tuleks ignoreerida või tähelepanuta jätta. Arheoloogidena võime seda kohapeal lugeda. ”

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Sayers kuulis esmakordselt Dismal Swamp maroonidest ühelt tema professorilt Williamsi ja Virginia kolledžis Williamsburgis, Virginias. Nad suitsetasid pärast tundi 2001. aasta lõpus sigarette. Sayers tegi ettepaneku teha tema väitekiri 19. sajandi põllumajanduse arheoloogiast. Haigutades, küsis prof Marley Brown III temalt, mida ta teab Suure häbemärgi maroonidest ja soovitas, et sellest saaks huvitavama väitekirja. “See kõlas suurepäraselt, ” ütleb Sayers. “Mul polnud aimugi, millesse ma sattun. ”

Ta hakkas tegema arhiiviuurimusi Suure hävingu kohta. Ta leidis hajutatud viiteid maroonidele, mis pärinevad 1700. aastate algusest. Esimestel andmetel kirjeldati põgenenud orje ja põlisameeriklasi, kes ründasid talusid ja istandusi ning kadusid seejärel koos varastatud kariloomadega sohu. Aastal 1714 kirjeldas Virginia koloniaalleitnant Alexander Spotswood Dismal Swamp'i kui "#-2020-in-man ’s-land" ja#8221, kuhu “, lõdvad ja korratud inimesed iga päev kogunevad. -Ameeriklasi ei nimetatud 18. sajandi Virginia aruannetes inimesteks ja inimesteks, see viitab sellele, et ka rabakogukondadega liitusid vaesed valged.

Aastal 1728 juhtis William Byrd II esimese uuringu Great Dismal Soos, et teha kindlaks Virginia/Põhja -Carolina piir. Ta kohtas maroonide perekonda, kirjeldades neid kui “mulattoes, ja#8221 ning teadis hästi, et teised vaatavad ja peidavad end: “On kindel, et paljud orjad varjuvad sellesse hämarasse maailma ossa. ” Byrd, aristokraatlik virginlane, vihkas oma aega soos. “ Mitte kunagi polnud rumm, see südamlik elu, vajalikum kui selles räpases kohas vajalik. ”

Alates 1760ndatest kuni kodusõjani mainiti Virginia ja Põhja -Carolina ajalehtedes jooksnud orjareklaamides sageli tõenäoliseks sihtkohaks Dismal Swampit ning pidevalt räägiti püsivatest punakaspruunidest asulatest. Briti reisija J.F.D. Smyth, kes kirjutas 1784. aastal, kogus selle kirjelduse: “ Põgenenud neegrid on nendes kohtades elanud kaksteist, kakskümmend või kolmkümmend aastat ja rohkem, elades soos maisi, sigade ja kanade peal. [Kõrgemal maapinnal] on nad püstitanud eluasemeid ja puhastanud nende ümber väikesi põlde. ”

(Martin Sanders)

Kõige põhjalikum töö, mille Sayers leidis, oli veidra ajaloolase Hugo Prosper Leamingu 1979. aasta väitekiri. Ta oli valgenahaline unitaarsti minister ja kodanikuõiguste aktivist, kellel õnnestus Chicagos mustade moslemite templisse vastu võtta ja ta kandis oma unitaarrüüdes fez'i. Leaming uuris hävitava sooga seotud kohalikke ja osariigi rekordeid ning uuris avaldamata kohalikku ajalugu, mälestusi ja romaane viiteid maroonidele. Oma väitekirjas, mis hiljem raamatuna avaldati, esitab ta üksikasjaliku ülevaate punakaspruuni ajaloost soos, koos nimekirjaga silmapaistvatest pealikutest ja erksate kirjeldustega aafrikastunud religioossetest tavadest.

“Tõlgendused on venivad, kuid mulle meeldib raamat ja see oli ajaloos kasulik, ” ütleb Sayers. “Arheoloogiast rääkides polnud mul midagi. Ma ei teadnud, kust otsida või mida otsida. Nii otsustasin ma soo üle vaadata, leida kõrge kõrguse ja kaevata seal. ”

Kõige kasulikum kaart oli soo ja#8217 taimestiku digitaalne esitus. See näitas puuliikide kobaraid, mis tavaliselt kasvavad kõrgemal ja kuivemal pinnasel. Selleks, et aidata neil nendesse piirkondadesse pääseda, värbas Sayers noori, energilisi abilisi ja relvastas nad matšeete ja lõngadega. “Mäletan eriti ühte päeva, ” ütleb ta. “Meid oli neljakesi ja me läksime kõigega, mis meil oli, lihtsalt higistades kuulidega. Kaheksa tunniga tegime 200 jalga. Pintsel oli nii paks, et sinna jõudmiseks oleks kulunud nädal, seega andsime alla. ”

Soodaservast, kus saidid olid paremini ligipääsetavad, leidis Sayers mõningaid esemeid, mis vihjasid selgelt maroonidele. Aga alles siis, kui ta saart nägi, tundis ta suurt avastust. Ta läks ajakavaga tagasi professorite juurde. 12 nädala pärast tuvastab ta peamised kohad, viib läbi labidatestid ja teeb väljakaevamised. Siis on ta valmis oma väitekirja kirjutama.

“See oli ilmselt arheoloogia ajaloo suurim alahindamine, ” ütleb ta. “ 12 nädala asemel kulus kolm kaheksakuulist seanssi. Siis veetsin veel viis suve oma koolide õpilastega kaevamisel. ”

Kõik nimetu koha kaevetööd on nüüd täidetud ja kaetud. Kui välja arvata mõned tuletõkestatud põrandatega veekogud, ei saa ta mulle palju näidata. Kuid Sayers on väljendusrikas kõneleja ja gestikulaator ning kui ta mind mööda saart ringi jalutab, tekitab ta palkmajade klastrid, millest mõned on kõrgendatud põranda ja verandaga. Ta osutab nähtamatutele põldudele ja aedadele keset distantsi, lastele mängima, inimestele kala püüdma, väikestele rühmadele jahtima. Kanadas intervjueeritud endine maroon Charlie kirjeldas inimesi, kes valmistasid mööblit ja muusikariistu.

“ Kindlasti oli raskusi ja puudusi, ” ütleb ta. “Aga ükski ülevaataja ei kavatsenud neid siin piitsutada. Keegi ei kavatsenud neid päikeseloojangust päikeseloojanguni puuvillapõllul tööd teha ega oma abikaasasid ja lapsi müüa. Nad olid tasuta. Nad olid ise emantsipeerunud. ”

Sayers ütleb, et tiheda metsaga soo sees on tänapäeval vähemalt 200 asustatavat saart. Siin võis olla tuhandeid maroone. ” (Allison Shelley)

Ameerika ülikooli Dan Sayers ’ kontori välisseinal on suur foto Karl Marxist ja lendleht Great Dismal Black IPA õllele. Toas on kontoris mugav, mehelik, sisseelatud tunne. Seal seinal ripub vana sisemine kiiver ja lõualuude plakat ning Obama valimisi kuulutava ajalehe esikülg. Raamaturiiulitel on kogu Karl Marxi teos.

Ma küsin temalt, kuidas tema marksism mõjutab tema arheoloogiat. “Ma arvan, et kapitalism on sotsiaalse ideaali osas vale ja me peame seda muutma, ” ütleb ta. “Arheoloogia on minu aktivism. Selle asemel, et minna Washingtoni kaubanduskeskusesse ja hoida protestimärki, valin ma kaevamise Suure hävingu soos. Tuues päevavalgele vastupanuloo, loodad, et see satub inimeste pähe. ”

Kui ideoloogiline kirg juhib uurimistööd, arheoloogias või milleski muus, võib see genereerida tohutut energiat ja olulisi läbimurdeid. See võib kaasa tuua ka ebamugavate andmete läikimise ja kallutatud tulemused. Sayers on jõudnud järeldusele, et Suures hävingusoo soos oli suuri, püsivaid, trotslikke ja vastupanuvõimelisi kogukondi ”. Kas on oht, et ta tõlgendab tõendeid üle?

“Ajalooline arheoloogia nõuab tõlgendamist, ” ütleb ta. “Aga ma kujutan alati ette, mida mu halvim kriitik ütleb või soovib tõestuseks, ja ma olen teinud piisavalt korralikku tööd, et veenda oma akadeemilisi eakaaslasi selles. On vähe neid, kes seda ei osta. Näita mulle raha-ajaloolased ei näe palju raha. ”

Ta viib mind koridorist oma laborisse, kus mullaproovid on virnastatud kilekottidesse kõrgetele riiulitele ja sajad esemed pakitakse, nummerdatakse ja hoitakse metallkappides. Ma palun näha kõige olulisemaid ja põnevamaid leide. “Mõnes mõttes on see olnud kõige masendavam arheoloogiaprojekt, mida võib ette kujutada, ” ütleb ta. “Me pole leidnud palju ja kõik on väike. Teisest küljest on see põnev: need mullad on täiesti häirimatud. Te kriimustate avastamata maailma pinda. ”

Nende muldade ja nendesse jäänud inimtegevuse jälgede dateerimiseks kasutas Sayers tehnikate kombinatsiooni. Üks oli superpositsiooni seadus: häirimata pinnase kihid muutuvad sügavamaks kaevudes vanemaks. Samuti võib nendes leiduvaid esemeid, nooleotsi, keraamikat ja valmistatud esemeid, nagu naelu, dateerida ajalooliste arheoloogide kollektiivsete teadmiste põhjal, mis põhinevad esemetel ja stiilil ning atribuutidel. Kolmas tehnika oli optiliselt stimuleeritud luminestsents ehk OSL.

“Kogusime mullaproovid ilma päikesevalguse kätte, ja saatsime need laborisse, ” selgitab ta. “Nad saavad mõõta, millal need liivaterad viimati päikesevalgust nägid. Tavaliselt ei pea ajaloolised arheoloogiaprojektid kasutama OSL-i, kuna seal on dokumente ja masstoodanguna valmistatud esemeid. See annab tunnistust sellest, kui ainulaadsed need kogukonnad välismaailma vältimisel olid. ”

Enne 1660. aastat olid enamik nimetu saidi inimesi põlisameeriklased. Esimesed maroonid olid seal mõne aasta jooksul pärast Aafrika orjade saabumist lähedalasuvasse Jamestowni 1619. aastal. Pärast 1680. aastat muutuvad põlisameerika materjalid napiks, mida ta nimetab punakaspruunideks esemeteks.

Sayers kerkib Suurest Dismali soost ühe tema endise uurimiskoha lähedalt. (Allison Shelley) Kasutades dateerimismeetodit, mida nimetatakse optiliselt stimuleeritud luminestsentsiks, võis Sayers kindlaks teha, et kabiin pärineb 17. sajandi lõpust või 18. sajandi algusest. (Allison Shelley) Soost pärit arheoloogilised leiud, millest mõned on püsivalt eksponeeritud Aafrika-Ameerika ajaloo ja kultuuri rahvusmuuseumis, sisaldavad ka savi, mida kasutatakse lõhede täitmiseks kaua kadunud puidust salongi palkide või okste vahel. (Jason Pietra) Rabakogukonnast pärit masinlõigatud küünte eelküünte sulatati roostega kahekoonilisest rauast ja vasest ornament, näiteks helmes. (Jason Pietra) Põlluekskavaatorid leidsid ka 18. sajandi või 19. sajandi alguse vasakpoolsest savist tubakatoru kausi fragmendi ja väikese pliipildi, tõenäoliselt 1700. aastatest. (Jason Pietra) Iidse nooleotsa, umbes 6000–6500 aastat vana, muutsid soode asukad 17. või 18. sajandil noaterana ümber. (Jason Pietra)

Sayers tõmbab välja umbes tolli pikkuse kivist nooleotsa, mille üks külg on ära lõigatud, moodustades pisikese kõvera noa või kaabitsa. “Raba sisemuses oli ainult üks kiviallikas, ” ütleb ta. “Tööriistad, mille ameeriklased on maha jätnud. Maroonid leiaksid need üles, muudaksid neid ja kasutaksid neid seni, kuni need on pisikesteks tükkideks kulunud. ”

Miski ei olnud põnevam kui leida seitsme kajuti jalajäljed nimeta saidilt, vahemikus 1660–1860. “Teame dokumentidest, et tollal elasid soos maroonid. Seal pole andmeid selle kohta, et keegi teine ​​seal elaks. Kindlasti ei ole see koht, kus te valiksite elamise, kui teil pole vaja end varjata. ”

Ta tõmbab välja tavalise, maavärvi põlisameerika keraamika, suure küpsise suuruse ketta. “Maroonid leiaksid sellist keraamikat ja ummistaksid need oma kajutite postiaukudesse, et neid üles tõsta. See on ilmselt suurim ese, mille me leidsime. ” Siis näitab ta mulle pisikest roostes vasest pärlit, mida võib -olla ehtena kanda, ja veel ühte naela külge sulatatud pärlit. Esemed muutuvad aina väiksemaks: torusavihelbed, püssirohuosakesed 19. sajandi algusest, mil välismaailm rabas.

“Kõik, mida oleme leidnud, mahuks ühte kingakarpi, ” ütleb ta. “Ja see on loogiline. Nad kasutasid soost pärit orgaanilisi materjale. Välja arvatud suured asjad nagu kajutid, laguneb see jälgi jätmata. ”

Ameerika ülikoolist seitsme miili kaugusel, uues Aafrika -Ameerika ajaloo ja kultuuri rahvusmuuseumis, on kavas vaadata näitust Suure hävingu soo maroonidest. Kuraator Nancy Bercawi jaoks esitas see ebatavalise väljakutse. “Eetos seisneb selles, et esemed peaksid rääkima enda eest, ” ütleb ta oma kontoris kohvi ääres rääkides. “Dan Sayers kinkis meile heldelt kümme eset. Need on ümbertöödeldud veeris, postiaukude vaheseinad, nimetu saare pisikesed kivitükid. Mõned neist näevad välja nagu liivaterad. ”

Artefakt 1 on valge savist tubakatoru fragment, 12 millimeetrit pikk. Seal on väike tükk põlenud savi, viiemillimeetrine tükk lapikut pliisüsti, kvartshelves, Briti püssilint (umbes 1790), klaasikild, osalise varrega naelapea.

Teisisõnu, need ei ole sellised objektid, mis pilku püüavad või enda eest räägivad. Tema lahendus oli paigaldada mõned neist ehtekarpidesse nagu hindamatud aarded.

Näitus asub 17 000 ruutjalga orjuse ja vabaduse galeriis, jaotises tasuta värvikogukondade kohta. “Traditsiooniliselt oleme uurinud orjuse institutsiooni, mitte orjastamist, nagu seda elati, ” ütleb ta. “Kui hakkate meie ajalugu vaatama läbi Aafrika-Ameerika läätse, muudab see fookust tõesti. Maroonid muutuvad palju olulisemaks. ”

Suurim Ameerika maroonide kogukond oli Great Dismal Swampis, kuid neid leidus ka teistes väljaspool New Orleansi, Alabamas ja mujal Carolinades ning Floridas asuvates soodes. Kõiki neid kohti uurivad arheoloogid.

“Teistes punakaspruunides ühiskondades oli rohkem voolavust, ” ütleb Bercaw. “Inimesed libiseksid veeteedelt alla, kuid säilitaksid tavaliselt mõningase kontakti. Dismal Swamp maroonid leidsid võimaluse oma geograafia süvendites end täielikult Ameerika Ühendriikidest eemaldada. ”

Ajalooline marker näitab, kus orjad kaevasid George Washingtoni jaoks 1763. aastal suure kraavi, et aidata kaasa soo kuivendamisele ja metsaraiele. (Allison Shelley)

Sayers pargib jahedal pilvisel hommikul Great Dismal Soos oma sõiduki pika sirge kraavi ääres, mis on täis musta vett. Ta rüüpab oma koletist ja imeb tule sigareti sisse. Kraav nooled läbi sünge soo kaugele kaduvale punktile.

“See on Washingtoni kraav, mõnevõrra ainulaadne jõhkruse ja ettevõtlikkuse monument, ” ütleb ta. George Washington nägi esimesena majanduslikku võimalust Virginia osariigis Norfolkist lõuna pool asuvas suures ranniku soos. Aastal 1763 moodustas ta koos kaasinvestoritega ettevõtte, mis tegeles soo kuivendamise, puiduressursside ekspluateerimise ja transpordiks kanalite kaevamisega. See on esimene kanal, mis valmis 1760. aastate lõpus ja mille kaevasid välja orjad.

“Kujutage ette, ” ütleb Sayers. “Kaevamine, tükeldamine, muda päästmine, töötamine rinnus kõrgel vees. Suvel sada kraadi, vett täis mokassiine, jumalatuid sääski. Külm külm talvel. Peksmine, piitsutamine. Surmad olid üsna tavalised. ”

Kanal, mida nüüd tuntakse Washingtoni kraavina, oli esimene märkimisväärne sissetung Suuresse Dismali sohu. Veel kaevati kanaleid. Puiduettevõtted lõikasid tuhandeid aakreid Atlandi valget seedrit, mida kohapeal tuntakse kadakana, ja muutsid selle tünnivardadeks, laevamastideks ja katusesindliteks.

Maroonide jaoks muutus see ohtlikumaks, kuna kanalid võimaldasid orjapüüdjatel sohu pääseda. Kuid avanesid ka uued majanduslikud võimalused. Maroonid suutsid lõigata vöötohatisi saematerjali tootvatele ettevõtetele, kes panid silma kinni. Frederick Law Olmsted, kes enne maastikuarhitektuuri alustamist rändas ajakirjanikuna lõunasse ja kirjutas 1856. aastal maroonidest, märkis, et vaesemad valged mehed, kellele kuuluvad väikesed sood, on neid mõnikord kasutanud, ja#8221 samuti seda, et maroonid varastasid taludest, istandustest ja ettevaatamatutelt reisijatelt.

Olmsted küsis, kas kohalikud tulistasid maroone kunagi. “Oh jah, ” tuli vastus. “Aga mõned ’em -il soovivad pigem tulistada kui võtta, härra. ” On selge, et soos oli kaks erinevat maroonimise viisi. Need, kes elasid soo serva lähedal või kanalite lähedal, suhtlesid välismaailmaga palju rohkem. Kauges interjööris, nimetul saidil ja teistel saartel elasid endiselt maroonid, kes elasid isoleeritult, püüdsid kala, tegelesid põllutööga ja püüdsid metssigade sügavasse rabamülkasse. Me teame seda Dan Sayersi väljakaevamistelt ja Charlie endiselt maroonilt. Ta kirjeldas terveid perekondi, kes polnud kunagi valget meest näinud ja keda hirmus hirm näeks.

Norfolki ja teiste soo lähedal asuvate kogukondade valged elanikud olid hirmunud, et soo ja maroonid ründavad neid. Selle asemel said nad Nat Turneri mässu 1831 ja orjade mässu ning vabad mustad, kus tapeti üle 50 valge ja seejärel vähemalt 200 mustanahalist. Turneril oli plaanis koos oma järgijatega varjuda hävitavasse rabasse, värvata maroonid ja rohkem orje ning seejärel välja tulla, et kukutada valge reegel. Kuid tema mäss suruti kahe päeva pärast maha ning Turner, olles kaks kuud varjatud, tabati ja poodi üles.

Mis sai Dismal Swamp maroonidest? Olmsted arvas, et 1850. aastateks on alles jäänud väga vähesed, kuid ta jäi kanalite lähedale ega sisenenud sisemusse. Sayersil on tõendeid õitsvast kogukonnast nimeta saidil kuni kodusõjani. “See ’, kui nad välja tulid, ” ütleb ta. “Me ei leidnud pärast kodusõda peaaegu midagi. Tõenäoliselt töötasid nad end ühiskonda tagasi vabade inimestena. ”

Uurimistöö alguses hakkas ta soo lähedal asuvates kogukondades intervjueerima afroameeriklasi, lootes kuulda perekonna lugusid maroonidest. Kuid ta loobus kõrvalprojektist. “Seal on veel nii palju arheoloogiatööd teha, ” ütleb ta. “Me kaevasime välja ainult 1 protsendi ühest saarest. ”

Pärast kodusõda avas raie soo (1873. aasta kauplus, pildil, teenindas metsaraiet). Sayers ei suutnud leida selle puhastustulega lahkumise kontosid: “Kui pole kuulda nende järeltulijatest või avastatud kirjalikku juttu, ei tea me kunagi väljarände üksikasju. ” (Janus Images)

Tal on koletised otsas ja sigaretid vähe. On aeg lahkuda Great Dismal Swampist ja leida lähim kauplus. Kõrgendatud kruusateel läbime söestunud metsaala, mida põleb välk. Jalutame soo keskel täiusliku sinise järve Drummondi järve kallastel ja sõidame edasi läbi vettinud küpressipuude ja alade, kus tee on mõlemalt poolt okkalise harjaga müüritud. “ soo, ” ütleb ta. “Karud jälgiksid mind kaevamas. Sattusin tohutute veemokassiinide ja sama paksude lõgismadude ümber kui reie. Kuid midagi hullemat ei juhtunud kui kriimustused, putukahammustused ja varustuse kaotamine. »##Kord sõitis ta koos rühma õpilastega nimetule saidile. Noor naine astus veealusse auku ja kadus. Kuid hetk hiljem ilmus ta ilma kahjustamata. Paljudel juhtudel sattusid õpilased ja teised külastajad nõnda okaste vahele, et tuli lahti lõigata. “Miski ei juhtu kiiresti ega lihtsalt, ” ütleb ta. “Raba on trikimees ja suvi on tõesti raske. Aga ma armastan seda. Äikesetormid on tõesti midagi. Konnade ja putukate ja lindude hääl, just nagu maroonid seda kuulsid. Mulle meeldib see, mida soo on minu heaks teinud, ja mulle meeldib see, mida see nende heaks tegi. ”

Allison Shelley kohta

Allison Shelley on Washingtonis asuv fotograaf, kelle tööd on ilmunud aastal New Yorker, The New York Timesja Atlandi ookean, paljude teiste kohtade hulgas. Tema tööd on tunnustanud Pulitzeri kriisiaruannete keskus ja Rahvusvaheline Naiste Meedia Sihtasutus.

Richard Grantist

Richard Grant on kirjanik ja ajakirjanik, kes asub Arizonas Tucsonis. Tema viimane raamat on Kõigist sügavaim lõuna: tõelised lood Natchezist, Mississippi.


ARVUSTUS: Suured arheoloogid

Suured arheoloogid
Brian Fagan (toim)
Thames & amp; Hudson, 24,95 naela
ISBN 978-0500051818

Arheoloogia võib nõuda oma õiglast osa värvilistest praktikutest. Siin registreeritud üle 300 aasta kestva 70 elu hulgas on ekstsentrikuid, seiklejaid ja visionääre. Pole üllatav, et mitte kõik neist ei olnud suurepärased selles mõttes, et nende lähenemisviise toetaks kaasaegne elukutse. Tõepoolest, kui kõik need isiksused oleksid kunagi sama katuse alla kogunenud, oleks see tekitanud meeldejäävaid vaidlusi.

See köide, mille on toimetanud tunnustatud arheoloogikirjanik prof Brian Fagan, ei ole lihtsalt järjekordne kogumik, mis taastab anekdoote Belzoni, Schliemanni või Carteri kohta, kuigi need kõik ilmuvad siin. Selle asemel tõmbab see muljetavaldava saavutuse arheoloogia enda jaoks eluloo koostamiseks läbi paljude selle juhtivate tulede elu. Alustades Stukeley ’s-i jälitamist Rooma-eelsest Suurbritanniast, jätkame kohtumist kolme vanuse süsteemi teerajajate ja mullkivipojaga, kellest sai klassikalise arheoloogia isa. Sealt lehitsevad lugu, alustades Egiptust, Aasiat ja Ameerikat, aga ka iidseid stsenaariume ja kaevamiskunsti, enne kui jõuavad uude arheoloogiasse ja#8217. This approach delivers a book that is so much more than the sum of its parts — and what parts they are.


The Great Japan Earthquake of 1923

The first shock hit at 11:58 a.m., emanating from a seismic fault six miles beneath the floor of Sagami Bay, 30 miles south of Tokyo. A 60- by 60-mile segment of the Philippine oceanic plate ruptured and thrust itself against the Eurasian continental plate, releasing a massive burst of tectonic energy. Down at the docks of Yokohama, Japan’s biggest port and its gateway to the West, hundreds of well-wishers were seeing off the Austraalia keisrinna, a 615-foot luxury steamship bound for Vancouver. “The smiles vanished,” remembered Ellis M. Zacharias, then a young U.S. naval officer, who was standing on the pier when the earthquake hit, “and for an appreciable instant everyone stood transfixed” by “the sound of unearthly thunder.” Moments later, a tremendous jolt knocked Zacharias off his feet, and the pier collapsed, spilling cars and people into the water.

Seotud sisu

The date was September 1, 1923, and the event was the Great Kanto Earthquake, at the time considered the worst natural disaster ever to strike quake-prone Japan. The initial jolt was followed a few minutes later by a 40-foot-high tsunami. A series of towering waves swept away thousands of people. Then came fires, roaring through the wooden houses of Yokohama and Tokyo, the capital, burning everything—and everyone—in their path. The death toll would be about 140,000, including 44,000 who had sought refuge near Tokyo’s Sumida River in the first few hours, only to be immolated by a freak pillar of fire known as a “dragon twist.” The temblor destroyed two of Japan’s largest cities and traumatized the nation it also whipped up nationalist and racist passions. And the quake may have emboldened right-wing forces at the very moment that the country was poised between military expansion and an embrace of Western democracy, only 18 years before Japan would enter World War II.

The 9.0 earthquake that struck the northeast coast of Honshu this past March is not likely to have such an impact on Japan’s history. Nevertheless, there are parallels. Like the 1923 quake, this one unleashed secondary disasters: a tsunami that washed away dozens of villages mudslides fires and damage to the Fukushima Daiichi reactors that emitted radiation into the atmosphere (and constituted the worst nuclear accident since the Chernobyl disaster in 1986). In both instances, the toll was considerable, with estimated deaths in the 2011 quake approaching 30,000 and damage that could go as high as $310 billion. Fuel, food and water were hard to come by weeks after the earthquake, and the Japanese government acknowledged that it had been ill-prepared for a calamity on this scale. Traditional figures offered words of solace: Crown Prince Hirohito 88 years ago his son, Emperor Akihito, in 2011.

Before the Great Kanto Earthquake struck, Japan was full of optimism. No center symbolized the country’s dynamism more than Yokohama, known as the City of Silk. Founded as Japan’s first “Foreign Settlement” in 1859, five years after U.S. Commodore Matthew Perry forced the shogun to open Japan to the West, Yokohama had grown into a cosmopolitan city of half a million. Attracting entrepreneurs, fugitives, traders, spies and drifters from every corner of the world, the port rose “like a mirage in the desert,” wrote one Japanese novelist. From the waterfront promenade, known as the Bund, to the Bluff, the hillside neighborhood favored by foreign residents, Yokohama was where East met West, and liberal ideas—including democracy, collective bargaining and women’s rights—transfixed those who engaged them. Nobel nominee Junicho Tanizaki, who spent two years in Yokohama writing screenplays, marveled at “a riot of loud Western colors and smells—the odor of cigars, the aroma of chocolate, the fragrance of flowers, the scent of perfume.”

The Great Kanto Earthquake obliterated all of that in a single afternoon. According to survivors, the initial quaking lasted for about 14 seconds—long enough to bring down nearly every building on Yokohama’s watery, unstable ground. The three-story Grand Hotel, an elegant Victorian villa on the seafront that had played host to Rudyard Kipling, W. Somerset Maugham and William Howard Taft, collapsed, crushing hundreds of guests and employees. Twenty expatriate regulars at the Yokohama United Club, the city’s most popular watering hole, died when the concrete building pancaked. Otis Manchester Poole, a 43-year-old American manager of a trading firm, stepped out of his largely still-intact office near the Bund to face an indelible scene. “Over everything had settled a thick white dust,” he remembered years later, “and through the yellow fog of dust, still in the air, a copper-coloured sun shone upon this silent havoc in sickly reality.” Fanned by high winds, fires from overturned cookstoves and ruptured gas mains spread. Soon, the entire city was ablaze.

Meanwhile, a wall of water surged from the fault zone toward the coast of Honshu. Three hundred people died in Kamakura, the ancient capital, when a 20-foot-high wave washed over the town. “The tidal wave swept out a great section of the village near the beach,” wrote Henry W. Kinney, a Tokyo-based editor for Trans-Pacific ajakiri. “I saw a thirty-foot sampan [boat] that had been lifted neatly on top of the roof of a prostrated house. Vast portions of the hills facing the ocean had slid into the sea.”

Although the shock waves had weakened by the time they reached through the Kanto region to Tokyo, 17 miles north of Yokohama, many poorer neighborhoods built on unstable ground east of the Sumida River collapsed in seconds. Then, as in Yokohama, fires spread, fueled by flimsy wooden houses and fanned by high winds. The quake destroyed the city’s water mains, paralyzing the fire department. According to one police report, fires had broken out in 83 locations by 12:15. Fifteen minutes later, they had spread to 136. People fled toward the Sumida River, drowning by the hundreds when bridges collapsed. Tens of thousands of working-class Japanese found refuge in an empty patch of ground near the river. The flames closed in from all directions, and then, at 4 p.m., a 300-foot-tall “fire tornado” blazed across the area. Of the 44,000 people who had gathered there, only 300 survived. All told, 45 percent of Tokyo burned before the last embers of the inferno died out on September 3.

As the evening of the quake approached, Kinney observed, “Yokohama, the city of almost half a million souls, had become a vast plain of fire, of red, devouring sheets of flame which played and flickered. Here and there a remnant of a building, a few shattered walls, stood up like rocks above the expanse of flame, unrecognizable. It was as if the very earth were now burning. It presented exactly the aspect of a gigantic Christmas pudding over which the spirits were blazing, devouring nothing. For the city was gone.”

The tragedy prompted countless acts of heroism. Thomas Ryan, a 22-year-old U.S. naval ensign, freed a woman trapped inside the Grand Hotel in Yokohama, then carried the victim—who had suffered two broken legs—to safety, seconds ahead of a fire that engulfed the ruins. Capt. Samuel Robinson, the Canadian skipper of the Austraalia keisrinna, took hundreds of refugees aboard, organized a fire brigade that kept the ship from being incinerated by advancing flames, then steered the crippled vessel to safety in the outer harbor. Then there was Taki Yonemura, chief engineer of the government wireless station in Iwaki, a small town 152 miles northeast of Tokyo. Hours after the earthquake, Yonemura picked up a faint signal from a naval station near Yokohama, relaying word of the catastrophe. Yonemura tapped out a 19-word bulletin—CONFLAGRATION SUBSEQUENT TO SEVERE EARTHQUAKE AT YOKOHAMA AT NOON TODAY. WHOLE CITY ABLAZE WITH NUMEROUS CASUALTIES. ALL TRAFFIC STOPPED—and dispatched it to an RCA receiving station in Hawaii. For the next three days, Yonemura sent a stream of reports that alerted the world to the unfolding tragedy. The radio man “flashed the news across the sea at the speed of sunlight,” reported the New York Times, “to tell of tremendous casualties, buildings leveled by fire, towns swept by tidal waves. disorder by rioters, raging fire and wrecked bridges.”

Yonemura’s bulletins helped to galvanize an international relief effort, led by the United States, that saved thousands from near-certain death or prolonged misery. U.S. naval vessels set sail from China on the evening of September 2, and within a week, dozens of warships packed with relief supplies—rice, canned roast beef, reed mats, gasoline—filled Yokohama Harbor. From Washington, President Calvin Coolidge took the lead in rallying the United States. “An overwhelming disaster has overtaken the people of the friendly nation of Japan,” he declared on September 3. “The cities of Tokyo and Yokohama, and surrounding towns and villages, have been largely if not completely destroyed by earthquake, fire and flood, with a resultant appalling loss of life and destitution and distress, requiring measures of urgent relief.” The American Red Cross, of which Coolidge was the titular head, initiated a national relief drive, raising $12 million for victims.

The wave of good feeling between the two countries would soon dissipate, however, in mutual accusations. Japanese expressed resentment toward Western rescuers demagogues in the United States charged that the Japanese had been “ungrateful” for the outpouring of help they received.

The earthquake also exposed the darker side of humanity. Within hours of the catastrophe, rumors spread that Korean immigrants were poisoning wells and using the breakdown of authority to plot the overthrow of the Japanese government. (Japan had occupied Korea in 1905, annexed it five years later and ruled the territory with an iron grip.) Roving bands of Japanese prowled the ruins of Yokohama and Tokyo, setting up makeshift roadblocks and massacring Koreans across the earthquake zone. According to some estimates, the death toll was as high as 6,000.

My own view is that by reducing the expatriate European community in Yokohama and putting an end to a period of optimism symbolized by that city, the Kanto earthquake accelerated Japan’s drift toward militarism and war. Japan scholar Kenneth Pyle of the University of Washington says that conservative elites were already nervous about democratic forces emerging in society, and “the 1923 earthquake does sort of begin to reverse some of the liberal tendencies that appear right after World War I. After the earthquake, there’s a measurable increase in right-wing patriotic groups in Japan that are really the groundwork of what is called Japanese fascism.” Peter Duus, an emeritus professor of history at Stanford, states that it was not the earthquake that kindled right-wing activities, “but rather the growth of the metropolis and the emergence of what the right wing regarded as heartless, hedonistic, individualistic and materialist urban culture.” The more significant long-term effect of the earthquake, he says, “was that it set in motion the first systematic attempt at reshaping Tokyo as a modern city. It moved Tokyo into the ranks of world metropolises.”

University of Melbourne historian J. Charles Schencking sees the rebuilding of Tokyo as a metaphor for something larger. The earthquake, he has written, “fostered a culture of catastrophe defined by political and ideological opportunism, contestation and resilience, as well as a culture of reconstruction in which elites sought to not only rebuild Tokyo, but also reconstruct the Japanese nation and its people.”

Though they may dispute its effects, historians agree that the destruction of two great population centers gave voice to those in Japan who believed that the embrace of Western decadence had invited divine retribution. Or, as philosopher and social critic Fukasaku Yasubumi declared at the time: “God cracked down a great hammer” on the Japanese nation.

Regular contributor Joshua Hammer on autor Yokohama Burning, about the Great Kanto Earthquake of 1923.


The great divide? Historians, archaeologists and the interpretation of the past

This is part of a series of posts commissioned by History Matters in response to the award of the MacArthur ‘genius’ prize to the historian Robin Fleming for her work on archaeological sources. All of the blogs in this series will appear here as they are posted.

When historian Robin Fleming gave an interview to the Boston Globe on 6 October following her award of the MacArthur Fellowship, she probably did not anticipate the reaction to her comments amongst some of the archaeological community.[1] There was general consternation that she seemed to be claiming to have ‘discovered’ historical archaeology through a ‘new’ approach of looking at the everyday material culture, and no doubt a great deal of secret jealousy at the $625,000 award.

I personally have sympathy for Robin. Whilst a few of her comments were clearly poorly considered, such as the suggestion that archaeologists are not interested in the ‘big’ historical questions, she did make some good points. After all, anyone who has had to plough through the densest of excavation reports can only agree that they really are soul destroying, and in the main pretty pointless. When you actually watch Robin’s video presentation on the MacArthur Foundation website, rather than just read the Boston Globe article, her tone is very different she is using archaeological data to get to the silent majority that are not represented by the exclusively male, ecclesiastical, and high status sources [2]. Surely this is something to be applauded?

But what I suspect provoked much of the comment was the fact that an historian was making a very explicit statement about using archaeological data in order to construct her narrative. This touched a sore nerve that has long run through historical archaeology since one of its earliest exponents, Ivor Noël Hume, rather flippantly described the discipline as “the handmaiden to history”.[3]

Fifty years on from Noël Hume’s remarks, and historical archaeology has come of age. In the commercial world, excavation undertaken prior to urban redevelopment inevitably has a significant historical focus, whilst the archaeology of the post-classical world now features as a mainstream element on the syllabuses of almost every archaeology department in the country. So why does such sensitivity remain?

I think part of the problem comes from the still uneasy position historical archaeology occupies between prehistory and history proper. In the absence of a recorded framework of reference, prehistoric archaeology is often characterised by dramatic discoveries that fundamentally change the way we understand the nature of humanity. History on the other hand is a direct record of events, the more recent past mapped for us, albeit imperfectly, to be read and interpreted. So where does historical archaeology sit when concept-changing discoveries are rarely there to be made, and there already is a well-established historical context?

A good example of this conundrum is illustrated by the recent discovery of Leicester’s ‘King in the Carpark’. Unlike our prehistoric counterparts, it is not often that historical archaeologists gain such a level of media attention. However, the hype surrounding the almost miraculous discovery of Richard III’s remains went global when archaeologists, either through meticulous research or, more likely, incredible luck, managed to locate the grave of England’s last Plantagenet monarch. TV documentaries, academic papers and a bucket full of ‘impact’ for the REF all followed, but was it such a ground-breaking discovery? After all, we had always known Richard was killed at the Battle of Bosworth, his remains taken to Leicester and buried at Greyfriars, hadn’t we?

Well on one level this is true, it was not a ‘great discovery’ but to dismiss the find altogether is somewhat missing the point: the excavation of Richard has provided further fine detail to the pre-existing narrative. We now know his body was not thrown into the River Soar at the Dissolution, and the physical remains display the humiliating mutilation his corpse experienced both at the point, and after, death. Oh and yes, Shakespeare was not exaggerating the ‘crookback’ bit.

If one cuts through the hyperbole that still surrounds the discovery, the best way to view the finding of Richard’s body is as if we had come across a new eyewitness account. It does not change the broader story, but it does give a fresh insight, helping to contribute to specific debates concerning his life and death. But what is important is that this new perspective can be brought through the ‘reading’ of an archaeological find.

So is Robin Fleming wrong to use archaeological data? Certainly not, as for the period she is dealing with, archaeology is one of the primary sources. Should archaeologists feel threatened when historians handle their data? Not at all, so long as it is interpreted with understanding and in the appropriate context. However, it is equally important that historians do not ignore the fresh perspectives archaeologists can bring to established historical debates, but that is another possible blog posting.

Both disciplines should now be mature enough to embrace each other’s approaches and stop retreating into entrenched camps every time they perceive the other to be invading their intellectual territory. After all, whatever labels we place upon ourselves, we are all striving to make sense of the same shared past.

Hugh Willmott is a Senior Lecturer in European Historical Archaeology at the University of Sheffield. His current research is focusing on understanding the longer-term affects of the Dissolution of the Monasteries through a programme of excavation and historical research at Thornton Abbey, Lincolnshire. You can find Hugh on twitter @Hugh_Wilmott.


Evidence Noah's Biblical Flood Happened, Says Robert Ballard

Dec. 10, 2012— -- The story of Noah's Ark and the Great Flood is one of the most famous from the Bible, and now an acclaimed underwater archaeologist thinks he has found proof that the biblical flood was actually based on real events.

In an interview with Christiane Amanpour for ABC News, Robert Ballard, one of the world's best-known underwater archaeologists, talked about his findings. His team is probing the depths of the Black Sea off the coast of Turkey in search of traces of an ancient civilization hidden underwater since the time of Noah.

Ballard's track record for finding the impossible is well known. In 1985, using a robotic submersible equipped with remote-controlled cameras, Ballard and his crew hunted down the world's most famous shipwreck, the Titanic.

Now Ballard is using even more advanced robotic technology to travel farther back in time. He is on a marine archeological mission that might support the story of Noah. He said some 12,000 years ago, much of the world was covered in ice.

"Where I live in Connecticut was ice a mile above my house, all the way back to the North Pole, about 15 million kilometers, that's a big ice cube," he said. "But then it started to melt. We're talking about the floods of our living history."

The water from the melting glaciers began to rush toward the world's oceans, Ballard said, causing floods all around the world.

"The questions is, was there a mother of all floods," Ballard said.

According to a controversial theory proposed by two Columbia University scientists, there really was one in the Black Sea region. They believe that the now-salty Black Sea was once an isolated freshwater lake surrounded by farmland, until it was flooded by an enormous wall of water from the rising Mediterranean Sea. The force of the water was two hundred times that of Niagara Falls, sweeping away everything in its path.

Fascinated by the idea, Ballard and his team decided to investigate.

"We went in there to look for the flood," he said. "Not just a slow moving, advancing rise of sea level, but a really big flood that then stayed. The land that went under stayed under."

Four hundred feet below the surface, they unearthed an ancient shoreline, proof to Ballard that a catastrophic event did happen in the Black Sea. By carbon dating shells found along the shoreline, Ballard said he believes they have established a timeline for that catastrophic event, which he estimates happened around 5,000 BC. Some experts believe this was around the time when Noah's flood could have occurred.

"It probably was a bad day," Ballard said. "At some magic moment, it broke through and flooded this place violently, and a lot of real estate, 150,000 square kilometers of land, went under."

The theory goes on to suggest that the story of this traumatic event, seared into the collective memory of the survivors, was passed down from generation to generation and eventually inspired the biblical account of Noah.

Noah is described in the Bible as a family man, a father of three, who is about to celebrate his 600th birthday.

"In the early chapters of Genesis, people live 800 years, 700 years, 900 years," said Rabbi Burt Visotzky, a professor of Talmud and Rabbinics at the Jewish Theological Seminary in New York. "Those are mythic numbers, those are way too big. We don't quite know what to do with that. So sometimes those large numbers, I think, also serve to reinforce the mystery of the text."

Some of the details of the Noah story seem mythical, so many biblical scholars believe the story of Noah and the Ark was inspired by the legendary flood stories of nearby Mesopotamia, in particular "The Epic of Gilgamesh." These ancient narratives were already being passed down from one generation to the next, centuries before Noah appeared in the Bible.

"The earlier Mesopotamian stories are very similar where the gods are sending a flood to wipe out humans," said biblical archaeologist Eric Cline. "There's one man they choose to survive. He builds a boat and brings on animals and lands on a mountain and lives happily ever after? I would argue that it's the same story."

Catastrophic events of this kind are not unique to the Bible. Some contemporary examples include the 2004 tsunami that wiped out villages on the coasts of 11 countries surrounding the Indian Ocean. There was also Hurricane Katrina, described as the worst hurricane in United States history.

Scholars aren't sure if the biblical flood was larger or smaller than these modern day disasters, but they do think the experiences of people in ancient times were similar to our own.

"If you witness a terrible natural disaster, yes, you want a scientific explanation why this has happened," said Karen Armstrong, author of "A History of God." "But you also need to something that will help you to assuage your grief and anguish and rage. And it is here that myth helps us through that."

Regardless of whether the details of the Noah story are historically accurate, Armstrong believes this story and all the Biblical stories are telling us "about our predicament in the world now."

Back in the Black Sea, Ballard said he is aware that not everyone agrees with his conclusions about the time and size of the flood, but he's confident he's on the path to finding something from the biblical period.

"We started finding structures that looked like they were man-made structures," Ballard said. "That's where we are focusing our attention right now."

At first Ballard's team found piles of ancient pottery, but then they made an even more important discovery. Last year, Ballard discovered a vessel and one of its crew members in the Black Sea.

"That is a perfectly preserved ancient shipwreck in all its wood, looks like a lumber yard," he said. "But if you look closely, you will see the femur bone and actually a molar."

The shipwreck was in surprisingly good condition, preserved because the Black Sea has almost no oxygen in it, which slows down the process of decay, but it does not date back as far as the story of Noah.

"The oldest shipwreck that we have discovered so far of that area is around 500 BC, classical period," Ballard said. "But the question is you just keep searching. It's a matter of statistics."

Still, Ballard said the find gives him hope that he will discover something older "because there, in fact, the deep sea is the largest museum on Earth," he said.

Ballard does not think he will ever find Noah's Ark, but he does think he may find evidence of a people whose entire world was washed away about 7,000 years ago. He and his team said they plan to return to Turkey next summer.

"It's foolish to think you will ever find a ship," Ballard said, referring to the Ark. "But can you find people who were living? Can you find their villages that are underwater now? And the answer is yes."


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Crossing the Alpena-Amberley Ridge

When these stone structures were built, great sheets of glacial ice extended south from the North Pole, and water levels were much lower than they are today. The depth of the Great Lakes was up to 300 feet below modern levels, exposing miles more land than we currently see.

Those exposed shorelines were productive, full of wildlife and plants that attracted hungry humans. Early hunting communities likely targeted migrating caribou in particular, a species that’s adapted to cold climates and is (and was) “very predictable,” according to O’Shea.

Each spring and summer, caribou migrated across a narrow strip of land called the Alpena-Amberley Ridge, which stretched diagonally across Lake Huron, connecting modern-day northeast Michigan to southern Ontario.

“This land bridge was only two to 10 miles wide, giving a huge advantage to early hunters looking to ambush animals,” says O’Shea.

Like deer and elk, caribou follow linear features and don’t like to step over a line of brush or stone. Early humans capitalized on this by constructing two long, converging stone lines that narrowed to a choke point. At the convergence to the two lines, hunters hid behind big boulders, ready to kill the migrating caribou.

O’Shea and his colleagues have found these stone lines and hunting blinds on the Alpena-Amberley Ridge beneath Lake Huron, most notably in a 300-foot-long ambush area called the Drop 45 Drive Lane. Because the artifacts are so deep, they haven’t been affected by waves and ice or covered by sand and algae.

“I’ve seen campfire rings with charcoal still inside them, stone tools, and even rings that were used to stake down the edges of a tent or tipi,” says O’Shea, who is also an expert scuba diver.

Similar hunting structures have been found throughout North America, particularly closer to the Arctic where they were used more recently by traditional native hunters.

“Comparing the Lake Huron structures to similar hunting techniques around the world gives us a clearer picture of how these rocks might have been used,” says Hans VanSumeren, a marine technology professor and the director of the Great Lakes Water Study Institute at Northwestern Michigan College.

The underwater artifacts and stone structures were carefully vetted to determine whether they were natural or human-made. First, teams use remote sonar mapping to find potential archaeological sites, then they deploy remotely operated vehicles (ROVs) for more detailed investigations, or send down divers to recover samples for further testing.

“It’s really exciting because it’s the earliest signs of occupation,” says VanSumeren.


Otzi the Iceman

Otzi was a man who lived sometime between 3350 and 3100 BCE in what is called the Chalcolithic or Copper Age. He stood approximately five feet and three inches high and at the end of his life suffered from arthritis, gallstones, and whipworm. He died at about the age of 46.

At first, it was believed that Otzi had died from exposure, but in 2001 an X-ray revealed that there was a stone arrowhead embedded in his left shoulder. A CT scan in 2005 discovered that the arrowhead had severed one of the Otzi's arteries, most likely causing his death. A large wound on Otzi's hand was another indicator that Otzi had been in close combat with someone shortly before his death.

Scientists have recently discovered that Otzi's last meal consisted of a few slices of fatty, cured goat meat, similar to modern-day bacon. But many questions remain regarding Otzi the Iceman. Why did Otzi have over 50 tattoos on his body? Were the tattoos part of an ancient form of acupuncture? Who killed him? Why was the blood of four people found on his clothes and weapons? Perhaps more research will help answer these and other questions about Otzi the Iceman.


Was King Solomon the ancient world’s first shipping magnate?

King Solomon is venerated in Judaism and Christianity for his wisdom and in Islam as a prophet, but the fabled ruler is one of the Bible’s great unsolved mysteries.

Archaeologists have struggled in vain to find conclusive proof that he actually existed. With no inscriptions or remnants of the magnificent palace and temple he is supposed to have built in Jerusalem 3,000 years ago, the Israelite king has sunk into the realm of myth.

Now British marine archaeologist Dr Sean Kingsley has amassed evidence showing that Solomon was not only a flesh-and-blood monarch but also the world’s first shipping magnate, who funded voyages carried out by his Phoenician allies in “history’s first special relationship”.

Over 10 years, Kingsley has carried out a maritime audit of “the Solomon question”. By extending the search beyond the Holy Land, across the Mediterranean to Spain and Sardinia, he found that archaeological evidence supports biblical descriptions of a partnership between Solomon, who “excelled all the kings of the earth in riches and in wisdom”, and the Phoenician king Hiram, who “supplied Solomon with cedar timber and gold, as much as he desired”.

Kingsley told the Observer: “I’ve spread a very wide net. That kind of maritime study has never been done before.”

He said: “For 100 years, archaeologists have scrutinised Jerusalem’s holy soils, the most excavated city in the world. Nothing definitive fits the book of Kings’ and Chronicles’ epic accounts of Solomon’s palace and temple. By exploring traces of ports, warehouses, industry and shipwrecks, new evidence shakes up the quest for truth.”

He explored Andalusian port towns from Mezquitilla to Málaga and found that the archaeological evidence reveals “a Phoenician coast”. He visited the site of the great mine of the ancient world, Rio Tinto – 70km inland from Huelva – which produced gold, silver, lead, copper and zinc – and where, crucially, he realised that old maps and historical accounts referred to a particular spot as Cerro Solomon or Solomon’s Hill.

One 17th-century account notes that Solomon’s Hill was previously called Solomon’s Castle, and another describes people being “sent there by King Solomon for gold and silver”.

Rio Tinto mining park in Huelva, Spain. Ancient accounts reveal that silver mined here came from a spot called ‘Solomon’s Hill’. Photograph: Gabriel Solera/Getty Images

At the site, archaeologists have found ancient mining tools, such as granite pestles and stone mortars used to crush minerals, and remnants of lead slag that held a high proportion of silver. Kingsley said that lead isotope analysis has shown that silver hoards excavated in Israel originally came from Iberia.

Recent digs in nearby Huelva have found evidence of the Israelites and Phoenicians, including elephant tusks, merchants’ shekel weights and pottery. The Near Eastern link can be dated as far back as 930BC, the end of Solomon’s reign, and Kingsley has concluded that Huelva is “the best fit for the capital of the biblical Tarshish”, the ancient source of imported metals, which archaeologists have “signposted wildly”, everywhere from southern Israel to the Red Sea, Ethiopia to Tunisia.

He was struck by texts and ruins that support a “far more conclusive candidate” in this area of the southern Iberian Peninsula, which was known in antiquity as Tartessos, a Greek derivation of Tarshish. A Phoenician script on a ninth-century BC stele found in Sardinia refers to the land of Tarshish, also proving its historical reality.

Kingsley, who has explored more than 350 shipwrecks in the past 30 years, will publish his research in the forthcoming spring issue of Wreckwatch magazine, the free journal for maritime archaeology, which he also edits.

Solomon is believed to have built the First Temple of Jerusalem on the Temple Mount. Kingsley writes that everything historians know about it comes from the Bible, including details such as its inner sanctum lined with pure gold: “Building cities, palaces and a flagship temple didn’t come cheap. Long-distance voyages to the lands of Ophir and Tarshish brought a river of gold, silver, precious stones and marble to the royal court.

“Neither Israel nor Lebanon could tap into local gold and silver resources. The biblical entrepreneurs were forced to look to the horizon. The land of Tarshish was a vital source for Solomon’s silver. As the Book of Ezekiel recorded: ‘Tarshish did business with you because of your great wealth of goods.’”

Kingsley added: “What turned up in southern Spain is undeniable. Phoenician signature finds, richly strewn from Rio Tinto to Málaga, leave no doubt that Near Eastern ships voyaged to what must have seemed the far side of the moon by 900BC.

“When I spotted in ancient accounts the name of the hill where silver was mined at Rio Tinto – Solomon’s Hill – I was stunned. Biblical history, archaeology and myth merged to reveal the long-sought land of Tarshish celebrated in the Old Testament.

“It looks like Solomon was wise in his maritime planning. He bankrolled the voyages from Jerusalem and let salty Phoenician sailors take all the risks at sea.”


Vaata videot: A plecat fara sa priveasca inapoi. (Juuli 2022).


Kommentaarid:

  1. Reese

    Selles on midagi. Täname abi eest selles küsimuses, ma pean ka mina, seda lihtsam ...

  2. Matsushita

    Ma arvan, et te panete viga. Ma suudan seda tõestada. Kirjutage mulle PM -is.

  3. Farlan

    An absurd situation turned out



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